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This chapter is concerned with the historical development of the Labour Party in Scotland and its relative degree of success in securing the working-class vote across religious lines. It highlights the importance of the party to the Catholic community of Irish descent in Scotland, and it examines the relationship between the party and the Catholic Church and the way that certain sensitive moral questions were played down, and other issues like education left unchallenged, to avoid any confrontation between church and party. The chapter also assesses the appeal of the party to Protestants: the extent to which it could embody a sense of Presbyterian virtue and equity, and the extent to which it could even pitch for the ‘Orange vote’.
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1. See W. Knox and A. McKinlay (eds.), The ILP on Clydeside, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1991.
2. See the memoir of Labour activist W.M. Haddow, My Seventy Years, 1943; also G. Walker, Thomas Johnston, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1988, ch. 1.
3. It should be noted that, notwithstanding the profound religiosity of the Highlands and Islands and the strict fundamentalism of the Free Presbyterian Church, relations between Protestants and Catholics were generally civil and largely free of the sectarian tensions that came to characterise the Lowlands.
4. Walker, Thomas Johnston, pp. 14–16.
5. I.S. Wood, John Wheatley, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1990.
6. A. McKinlay and M. Black, ‘Never at rest’, The Diary of John S. Taylor, Scottish Labour History Society Journal, No. 29 (1994), 50–62.
7. T. Cowan, Labour of Love. The Story of Robert Smillie, Glasgow: Neil Wilson Publishing, 2011.
8. See Forward 6 December 1913.
9. See, for example, J. Foster and C. Wolfson, The Politics of the UCS Work- In, London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1986.
10. See Glasgow Labour History Workshop, ‘Roots of Red Clydeside: The Labour Unrest in West Scotland, 1910–1914’, in R. Duncan and A. McIvor (eds.), Militant Workers, Edinburgh: John Donald, 1992.
11. The classic statement of this case is I. McLean, The Legend of Red Clydeside, Edinburgh: John Donald, 1983.
12. See the memoirs of W. Gallacher, Revolt on the Clyde, London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1936; and M. Shinwell, Lead with the Left, London: Cassell, 1991. Also, G. Brown, Maxton, Edinburgh: Mainstream, 1986; and J. Broom, John Maclean, Loanhead: MacDonald Publishers, 1973.
13. J. Stewart, ‘“Christ’s Kingdom in Scotland”: Scottish Presbyterianism, Social Reform, and the Edwardian Crisis’, Twentieth Century British History, Vol. 12, No. 1 (2001), 1–22.
14. M.J. Mitchell, ‘Irish Catholics in the West of Scotland in the Nineteenth Century: Despised by Scottish workers and Controlled by the Church?’, in M.J. Mitchell (ed.), New Perspectives on the Irish in Scotland, Edinburgh: Birlinn, 2008; B. Aspinwall, ‘Catholic Realities and Pastoral Strategies: Another Look at the Historiography of Scottish Catholicism, 1878–1920’, Innes Review, Vol. 59, No. 1 (2008), 77–112.
15. J.J. Smyth, Labour in Glasgow 1896– 1936: Socialism, Suffrage, Sectarianism, East Linton: Tuckwell, 2000.
16. J. Foster et al., ‘Sectarianism, Segregation and Politics in Clydeside in the later Nineteenth century’, in M.J. Mitchell (ed.), New Perspectives on the Irish in Scotland, Edinburgh: Birlinn, 2008; also J. Foster et al., ‘Irish Immigrants in Scotland’s Shipyards and Coalfields’, Historical Research, Vol. 84, No. 226 (2011), 657–692.
18. W.W. Knox, Industrial Nation, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1999, p. 137.
19. J. Melling, Rent Strikes, Edinburgh: Polygon, 1983; see also entries on Crawford and Barbour in W. Knox (ed.), Scottish Labour Leaders 1918–1939, Edinburgh: John Donald, 1984.
20. S. Bruce, No Pope of Rome: Militant Protestantism in Modern Scotland, Edinburgh: Mainstream, 1985; also the same author’s Conservative Protestant Politics, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998, ch. 4.
21. The SPL and PA made a significant impact on local elections in Glasgow and Edinburgh, respectively during the 1920s and 1930s. See T. Gallagher, Glasgow: The Uneasy Peace, Manchester: Manchester, 1987, ch. 4; and the same author’s Edinburgh Divided, Edinburgh: Polygon, 1987.
22. See G. Walker, ‘Varieties of Scottish Protestant Identity’ in T.M. Devine and R.J. Finlay (eds.), Scotland in the Twentieth Century, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1996.
23. J. McCaffrey, ‘Roman Catholics in Scotland: Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries’, in C. MacLean and K. Veitch (eds.), Scottish Life and Society: A Compendium of Scottish Ethnology, Vol. 12: Religion, Edinburgh, John Donald 2006.
24. M. Rosie, The Sectarian Myth in Scotland, Basingstoke: Palgrave McMillan, 2004, ch. 7; G. Walker, Intimate Strangers: Political and Cultural Interaction Between Scotland and Ulster, Edinburgh: John Donald, 1995, ch. 4.
25. See, for example, Glasgow Observer, 25 May 1929.
26. See memoir of controversial Labour MP John McGovern, Neither fear nor favour, London, Blandford Press, 1960.
27. K. Robbins, England, Ireland, Scotland, Wales: The Christian Church 1900– 2000, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008, pp. 210–216.
28. See A. McCarthy, Personal Narratives of Irish and Scottish Migration, 1921– 1965, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2007.
29. Memo by Sir John Jeffrey, SRO 37110/1. Quoted in Walker, Intimate Strangers, p. 66.
30. R. McGinty, This Turbulent Priest: The Life of Cardinal Winning, London: Harper Collins, 2003, pp. 25–26.
31. See G. Walker, ‘The Orange Order in Scotland Between the Wars’, International Review of Social History, Vol. 37, No. 2, 1992, pp. 177–206.
32. See E. Kaufmann, ‘The Orange Order in Scotland since 1860: a Social Analysis’, in Mitchell, New Perspectives.
33. M. O’Caithain, ‘A Winnowing Spirit: Sinn Fein in Scotland, 1905–1938’, in Mitchell, New Perspectives.
34. G. Walker and D. Officer, ‘Scottish Unionism and Ulster’, in C. MacDonald (ed.), Unionist Scotland 1800–1997, Edinburgh: John Donald, 1998.
35. B. Murray, The Old Firm, Edinburgh: John Donald, 2nd ed., 2000.
36. See McLean, Red Clydeside, pp. 183–184.
37. Wheatley and Maxton were the leading Scottish critics of the Labour Party’s approach in the late 1920s and early 1930s, while Johnston became the most accomplished persuader for gradualism. Wheatley died before ILP disaffiliation but it is highly likely he would have been in favour.
38. For a range of scholarly appraisals of the ILP, see Knox and McKinlay, The ILP on Clydeside.
39. John Foster, ‘The Twentieth Century, 1914–1979’, in R.A. Houston and W.W. Knox (eds.), The New Penguin History of Scotland, London: Penguin, 2002, p. 440.
40. Irish News, 5 May 1933.
41. A. McKillop, ‘The forgotten man of Scottish Labour history’, Scottish Review, 14 March 2013. The most informative source on Dollan remains Gallagher, Glasgow.
42. See Jackson The Two Unions, pp. 145–146; also Walker, Intimate Strangers, ch. 5.
43. See papers of Scottish Conservative and Unionist Association NLS, Acc. 10424, especially 10424/8 and/9.
44. Bruce, Conservative Protestant Politics, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998, ch. 3; Walker, Intimate Strangers, ch. 3.
45. D. Butcher, ‘Ladies of the Lodge: a history of Scottish Orangewomen, c. 1909–2013’, PhD Thesis, University of North London, 2014, especially ch. 5.
46. Foster, ‘The Twentieth Century’, p. 434.
47. Testimony of Michael Clark in I. MacDougall (ed.), Voices from the Hunger Marches, Edinburgh: Polygon, 1990.
48. Walker, ‘Orange Order’.
49. C. Harvie, ‘The Covenanting Tradition’, in G. Walker and Gallagher, T. (eds.), Sermons and Battle Hymns, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1990; T. Brotherstone (ed.), Covenant, Charter and Party, Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1989.
50. Walker, Thomas Johnston, ch. 3.
51. R. Finlay, ‘National Identity in Crisis: politicians, intellectuals and “the end of Scotland”, 1920–1939’, History, Vol. 79 (1994), 242–259.
52. C. Harvie, ‘The Moment of British Nationalism, 1939–1970’, Political Quarterly, Vol. 71, No. 2 (2000), 328–340.
53. J. MacCormick, Flag in the Wind, Edinburgh: Birlinn, 2008; first published 1955.
54. Jackson, Two Unions, p. 270; see also P. Ward, Unionism in the UK, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan, 2005, especially chapter on Tom Johnston.
55. See J. Reid, Reflections of a Clyde Built Man, London: Souvenir Press, 1976, p. 3 regarding the benign effects of the full employment of the post-war era on relations between the communities; also T.M. Devine, ‘The End of Disadvantage?’ in Mitchell, New Perspectives for a qualification of this argument.
56. Foster, ‘The Twentieth Century’, p. 462.
57. Kaufmann ‘The Orange Order’.
58. C. Brown, Religion and Society in Modern Scotland, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1997, pp. 62–63.
59. E. McFarland and R. Johnston, ‘Faith in the Factory: The Church of Scotland’s Industrial Mission, 1942–1958’, Historical Research, Vol. 83, No. 221 (2010), 539–564.
60. See comment on the Church and Scottish Nationalism around the removal by Scottish students of the Stone of Destiny from Westminster Abbey in 1950 in R. Weight, Patriots, London: Pan Books, 2002, p. 134.
61. See the seminal thesis advanced in J. Bulpitt, Territory and Power in the United Kingdom. An Interpretation, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1983. The Conservatives until led by Margaret Thatcher were respectful of such diversity.
62. C. Brown, The Death of Christian Britain, London: Routledge, 2001, pp. 175–176; S. Bruce, Secularization, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011, ch. 3.
63. See discussion in G. Walker, ‘The Religious Factor’, in T.M. Devine and J. Wormald (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Modern Scottish History, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012.
64. J. Brand, The National Movement in Scotland, London: Routledge, 1978, pp. 150–154; see also W. Miller, The End of British Politics?, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981, pp. 94, 144–147.
65. Judith Hart Papers, People’s History Museum, HART/14/21, Hart to Tom McNally, 14 April 1978; Arthur Woodburn Papers, National Library of Scotland (NLS), Acc. 7656/16/3.
66. See Lord Lexden, ‘Michael Forsyth was right. The Conservative Party must reassert its historic Unionism’, conservativehome ( www.conservativehome.com/author/lord-lexden), 22 April 2015.
67. Interview with Bob Thomson, 20 July 2015. See also obituary of Peggy Herbison, Labour MP for North Lanarkshire between 1945 and 1970, The Scotsman, 31 December 1996.
68. Glasgow Herald, 16 August 1969.
69. National Archives (NA), CAB 128/47, 21 July 1970.
70. Foster, ‘Twentieth Century’ p. 476; also Foster and Wolfson, UCS.
71. T. Dalyell, The Importance of Being Awkward, Edinburgh: Birlinn, 2012, pp. 131–135.
72. Reported in Ulster Times, December 1972.
73. Evening Citizen, 11 March 1971.
74. Glasgow Herald, 12 March 1971. See A. Sanders and I.S. Wood, Times of Troubles, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2012, pp. 44–53 for the murder of the Ayrshire soldiers, and passim for discussion of Scottish regiments in Northern Ireland. Under 18s were withdrawn from NI shortly afterwards.
75. S. Bruce, The Red Hand, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992, ch. 6; I.S. Wood, Crimes of Loyalty, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2006, ch. 13.
76. Kaufmann, ‘Orange Order’.
77. L. McIllvaney, All the Colours of the Town, London: Faber and Faber, 2009.
78. J. Bradley, ‘Wearing the Green’, in T.G. Fraser (ed.), The Irish Parading Tradition, Basingstoke: Palgrave-Macmillan, 2000, fn. 54.
79. Dewar’s address is published in D. Dickson et al. (eds.), Ireland and Scotland: Nation, Region, Identity, Dublin: Trinity College, 2001.
80. Glasgow City Archives, Labour Party Scottish Council Papers, TD1384/1/12. Minutes of the Executive Committee of the Scottish Council, 10 June 1978.
81. House of Commons Debates, 26 November 1985, columns 794–795.
82. See G. Walker, ‘Scotland, Northern Ireland and Devolution, 1945–1979’, Journal of British Studies, Vol. 49, No. 1 (2010), 117–142.
83. G. Walker, ‘The Scotland is British Campaign, 1976–1978’, Scottish Affairs, Vol. 61 (2007), 74–100.
84. T. Dalyell, Devolution: The End of Britain?, London: Jonathan Cape, 1977, p. 293; also see Dalyell Papers NLS, Acc. 12917/1 for examples of sectarian scare-mongering.
85. Walker, ‘Scotland is British’.
86. Gallagher, Glasgow, pp. 327–328; Rosie, Sectarian Myth, pp. 58–61.
87. An amendment to the Scotland Act of 1978 recommended that this level of support be reached before the government proceeded with legislation to enact devolution.
88. Walker, ‘Religious Factor’. Another possibly significant factor was that Scotland did not produce a populist Protestant agitator like Ian Paisley despite the best efforts of Pastor Jack Glass.
89. V. Cable, Free Radical, London: Atlantic Books, 2009, ch. 6; Ron Ferguson, Geoff, Ellon: Famedram Publishers, 1983.
90. See J. Kemp (ed.), Confusion to our Enemies, Glasgow: Neil Wilson Publishing, 2012, p. 139 for the testimony of a shipyard worker to Reid’s ability to unite Protestant and Catholic in industrial struggle.
91. Foster and Wolfson, UCS, p. 188.
92. T. Gallagher, ‘Scotland and the Anglo-Irish Agreement: The Reaction of the Orange Order’, Irish Political Studies, Vol. 3 (1988), 19–31.
93. See E. Cameron, Impaled Upon A Thistle, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2010, Chap. 10 for an evidence-based account of the re-structuring of the Scottish economy and the disproportionate suffering in relation to unemployment and social deprivation of Glasgow and the West of the country.
94. Knox, Industrial Nation, p. 252.
95. J. Mitchell, ‘The Evolution of Devolution: Labour’s Home Rule Strategy in Opposition’, Government and Opposition, Vol. 33, No. 4 (1998), 479–496.
96. P. Dixon, ‘“The usual English doubletalk”: the British political parties and the Ulster Unionists 1974–1994’, Irish Political Studies, Vol. 9 (1994), 25–40.
97. See next chapter.
- A Century of Labour in Scotland: Struggles and Achievements
- Palgrave Macmillan UK
- Chapter 1