Key emergent themes from the research project included the importance of community, the persistent and important connections between communities across the vast rural and remote region, the blending of the documented and undocumented components of the economy, the blending of the modern and traditional economies, and the challenges associated with living in a rural and remote region. Influencing all of these themes was the significant and formative role played by their common history, culture, and traditions.
The following illustrates how elements of the emergent themes confirm the existence of an undocumented component to the regional economy we studied, why it exists, and how it works. We also explain how the research outcomes indicate regional legitimacy for the undocumented economy and how and why it persists as a perceived legitimate economic system.
The Blended Documented–Undocumented Economy
The region under study housed an entrenched formal economy comprised local businesses, large mining and retail enterprises based elsewhere, and community-owned ventures—like Indigenous development corporations that owned and operated businesses across the region or invested in a portfolio of businesses operating in other places. The area also had a network of education, financial, and other organizations that sought to support enterprise development in the region.
Research participants were aware of how organizations that were part of the formal economy contributed to the well-being of people living in their communities, and they appreciated the need for, and the influence of the formal monetary-based system. However, they also openly and readily described what they viewed as the equally important network of undocumented organizations and activities that blended with the formal components of the regional economy. One participant said, “people need money to survive because we live in a capitalist system, but … people still do traditional kinds of things.”
One participant’s comments reflected the general feeling that northern Saskatchewan had many “home businesses that don’t [purchase business licenses] that are providing essential services to the community; but we don’t even know they are [not formally registered businesses] because they are a part of the local economy.” Most participants shared knowledge and experiences that supported the benefits derived from the undocumented activities across the region. One indicated that “they borrow from each other and they will trade different things off to each other as a barter system … that might be beneficial to individuals that don’t have or don’t wish to spend a lot.”
According to research participants, the undocumented economy across northern Saskatchewan was based on giving, sharing, and trading activity, much of it tied to traditional practices and cultural norms. For many, perhaps a majority, of the people in the region, the traditional and culturally steeped practices of hunting, fishing, trapping, and gathering were simply a way of life. In some cases, these activities were part of the formal economy and people who made their living by trapping and paid taxes on that income. However, unlike in most other economic regions, many people in northern Saskatchewan supplied their own food by hunting caribou or moose, catching their own fish, and picking berries, mushrooms, and other foods—activities that were not formally documented through the taxation or other systems. Hunting and trapping provided people with animal hides needed to make clothing and crafts to use themselves, or to sell. Some people gathered plants necessary to make traditional medicines as an alternative to purchasing modern pharmaceuticals.
Giving
It was common for people to acquire more of something than they needed, like firewood for the winter, so that they could give away the excess to help the Elders and others in their communities. Among the items that participants said that people regularly gave to others in their communities were as follows: food (bannock, fish, moose meat, and other traditional foods), moccasins, moose hide, traditional medicines, sporting equipment, household items, and beadwork and other arts and crafts. People also gave each other services, like babysitting, and other things of value, like advice and time. In one community, a particular person prepared all of the gravesites before funerals without asking for or receiving anything in return.
Sharing
Community members shared items like the following: moccasins, fish nets, tools, tobacco, and traditional foods like berries and caribou meat. Services like babysitting and haircutting were also shared between people as were tradition-based things like hunting grounds, trap lines, and knowledge shared by community elders. Some participants said that community members shared stories, traditions, music, friendship, and time.
Included in the notion of sharing was when family members provided sustenance for each other. One Photovoice participant indicated that when they hunted for food, they always shared the product with their children and their parents. They only hunted for the quantity of food needed by their family, and did not take extra.
Community gardens had historically played a role in providing food to local people, and were being reintroduced to some communities. In one community, a participant noted that some families grew more food than they needed so that they could share it with others.
Trading
Two of the research partner communities were established as fur trading posts in the 1770s when newcomers from Europe first arrived in the region; however, the Indigenous peoples from the region traded among themselves long before then.
Europeans wishing to trade with interior Indian peoples, found a pre-existing system of alliances and exchange networks and had no choice but to try to fit into it. To do so, they had to recognize and respect trade protocols and adopt these symbolic practices and the obligations that went along with them as their own. (Waiser
2016, p. 97)
One research participant said “people have always traded here.”
Among the items that participants said were regularly traded between people at the time of the study were home appliances and vehicles like cars, boats, ATVs, motorbikes, and snow mobiles. Some of the traded items were those with strong cultural connotations, like animal traps, medicines, animal furs, and traditional foods like moose meat and fish. Traditional foods acquired through hunting, fishing, and gathering were often traded to others for food purchased in stores. Some respondents indicated that people would trade items for knowledge. Respondents referred to the barter system used in their communities, and indicated that often goods were traded for services.
While examples of giving, sharing, and trading were most often framed as normal and beneficial exchanges, several participants expressed concern over some that were destructive to their communities, namely those involving illegal drugs and liquor.
Role of Technology
Participants from across northern Saskatchewan referred to how websites and social media had emerged as a major way for them to facilitate and cultivate the giving, sharing, and trading that occurred. One participant called it the “hidden community infrastructures,” and a claim from a focus group discussion was that this use of technology had “become the primary method of buying and selling things here in the community. It’s much more prevalent than down south.”
Communities across the region had local Facebook pages used as online buy-sell-trade sites that they called “E-Buy” and “Free-Bay.” In some communities with Indigenous populations descending from the Cree people who had lived across the region for thousands of years, some online buy-sell-trade sites were referred to locally as “Cree-Bay” or “Cree-Way.”
Participants claimed that most of their communities had vibrant undocumented trading systems enabled by technology. An online search by research team members confirmed that most communities had these buy-sell-trade sites, many of which restricted access to local users. Both used and new items were available for sale or trade on the sites, and they were also used to ask for or offer services like vehicle rides to the city for doctors’ appointments and other purposes.
Another claim that emerged from the focus group sessions was that some people used the Internet on their own to sell their items online and to get ideas to help them make and sell handicrafts and other items.
Why Residents Felt the Undocumented Economy was Legitimate
The undocumented component of the regional economic system we studied was based in part on cash transactions that one participant said was “legal in every [other] respect, but it’s not reported so they aren’t paying taxes.” But, far from being considered as something bad, participants said that undocumented businesses “really build capacity and develop community at the local level” and it “could help build work and sustainability opportunities.” This appeared to be the common sentiment among the research participants who almost unanimously accepted that the undocumented part of their economy—minus the illicit drug trade and other illegal elements undermining positive community development—was a normal and accepted part of life in their region. They openly and readily discussed all elements of their regional economy without distinguishing between the documented and undocumented elements.
Consistent with Suchman’s (
1995) definition of legitimacy, the people of the region viewed the undocumented giving, sharing, and trading elements of their economy as desirable and appropriate based upon their traditions, values, and norms. In relationship to the three types of legitimacy, the research participants considered the undocumented components of their economy to be legitimate in a pragmatic sense because they were consistent with their ways of living. The undocumented components were also viewed as morally and cognitively legitimate because, in part, they helped maintain and preserve centuries old traditional ways of living.
Research participants generally viewed their blended economy as different from the other regional economies in the province, and attributed its development and existence to the history and culture of northern Saskatchewan. They felt that the people who made decisions for their region but did not live there did not understand their blended documented–undocumented economy that was based in part on hunting, fishing, and gathering along with their giving, sharing, and trading traditions. The following grievances expressed by the participants seemed to further justify their belief in the legitimacy of the undocumented elements of their economy.
Misunderstood by Decision-Makers Who Did Not Live There
Some respondents indicated that the decision-makers who impacted their region, but did not live there, did not understand that—as one respondent framed it—the “spiritual, cultural, and economic” components were highly integrated. They felt that the decision-makers viewed the world through an urban lens that was inappropriate for understanding their region. “Maybe that is why governments and agencies can’t attach support to something like this; because they can’t understand the connection of all the pieces.” One respondent gave the example of decision-makers who had “absolutely no comprehension that snowmobiles are working vehicles and are not just for recreation.”
Ineffective Government Support
Residents of the region felt that many government programs failed in their efforts to reduce the substantial gap between their area and the more heavily populated regions in the effectiveness of the services provided. In the words of one respondent, governments applied a “shotgun method” where they introduced one short-term program after another to improve health services, housing quality, drinking water safety, and recreation provision without lasting effect. They also felt that there was a shortage of healthcare workers and teachers in the region.
Policies and Programs Based on Incomplete or Inaccurate Information
Consistent with Joassart’s (
2010) claim that the theoretical and methodological approaches to measuring the size of the informal economy shape policies that either seek to support it or suppress the activities in that economy, the research participants felt that government decisions were influenced by how decision-makers sought to understanding their region. One participant said, “[in] the last census they counted about 2300 people, so the town lodged an official complaint to Stats Canada saying it [was] closer to 3000, we are [a] small town, we can count houses.” This participant indicated that the town submitted an appeal supported by its own data, which lead to Statistics Canada increasing the population count to about 2700 people. However, the participant felt that the result disadvantaged his community. “They don’t change all of the rest of the data that falls under it, so it’s unfortunate if you’re a town or village trying to get funding.”
Laws and Regulations Designed for Other Contexts
Some participants highlighted the challenges that can arise when people living traditional lifestyles in the blended northern economy are subject to the laws developed for other contexts. The following examples provided by a Photovoice participant illustrate this dilemma.
People who have hunted for centuries with their families … have guns, and then all of a sudden gun legislation comes in and everybody who’s got a gun … if they don’t have it registered, they’re criminals right? It criminalizes people … that’s not fair. You’ve got elders … and they’re not literate and … they struggle with those things … all of a sudden … if they traded fish for stuff … and they do that now, then they’re poaching.
Uncertainty over the Tax Rules
The Photovoice participant went on to say that many of their “traditional things have been really suppressed because of government, legislation, and things like that.” The participant felt, for example, that people were unclear about whether they are supposed to pay tax on the income they made from selling the types of traditional products their ancestors had made for subsistence, but that were now considered to be crafts that others from outside their community wished to purchase; activities did not evolve into large scale ventures.
The Persistence of the Perceived Legitimate Blended Economy
Research participants stressed the strong sense of community that extended across their region. Some, like the participant who said the following, drew comparisons between their region and those to the south: “coming from the south, there is almost an assumption that you are looking out for yourself. Living here it is much more of an assumption of community. You will help each other out. It’s hard to quantify but it’s just the little things that just don’t happen in cities and especially down south.” Others elaborated on this by saying: “it’s much more inclusive up here,” “you get to know people in ways you wouldn’t in a large community,” “the advantage of being in a small community is that you can relate to more people, know more people,” and “I don’t think it makes sense to live in larger communities.” During one focus group discussion, the sentiment was that “when someone asks you for help, you try and give help because you never know when you’re going to need help somewhere down the road.”
Some youth in the participating communities expressed their desire to gain a postsecondary education in the south and then move back to their home communities to provide medical and other services needed there. Other community members lamented the fact that some elders had to move away from their home communities for health reasons, but ended up living in unfamiliar places away from family and friends.
The above comments reflected the fact that the communities in the region under study were more remote and isolated than communities to the south. They were also more sparsely populated, and the residents traditionally had to rely more heavily on one another to meet their basic needs than was generally the case with southern communities. Participants did not indicate that they foresaw any major change in how their economy was structured. These responses and factors appeared to reinforce both the strength of the current blended documented–undocumented regional economy and its perceived legitimacy.
Some of the respondents from the seven communities across Saskatchewan’s north that participated in the study indicated that there were strong connections between the communities. One respondent said, “I’m always talking to people in surrounding communities. We’re all really interconnected with people, even those in the far north.” Others verified this by saying “there is a lot of mobility, even with how remote these communities are,” “you always reach out to people you know to support you, networks and word of mouth,” and “you drop-in, people pass through communities.”
These strong connections between communities was significant because it reflects the cultures, family ties, and community challenges shared across the region, despite the vast distances between centers (some communities can only be accessed by air) and even the cultural distinctions between the Indigenous communities (some were mainly Cree and others comprised the Dene people). This implied that they saw their current way of doing things as legitimate and persistent.
The following section discusses how the definition for the undocumented economy emerged from our research along with some of the implications from the study.