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2024 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

An Analysis of Illiberal Democracies. Towards the End of Law?

verfasst von : Roila Mavrouli

Erschienen in: The People’s Constitution

Verlag: Springer Nature Switzerland

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Abstract

Democracy as a concept has often been confronted to a plethora of adjectives that at the same time determine and alter its meaning. The adjectives direct, representative, liberal designate contemporary forms of democracy without being exclusive, cumulative, or accessory the one to another. If it is widely accepted—at least from a legal point of view—that representative democracy is the dominant form of exercising power, we can still find expressions of direct and liberal democracy within national constitutions, namely through mechanisms such as the referendum for the former and the protection of the rule of law for the latter. Nonetheless, a new tendency seeks to affix adjectives to the term “democracy” that would not only alter its meaning but even go beneath the essence of democracy as a political regime, based on the electoral moment and ensuring fundamental rights and the rule of law. Therefore, the terms illiberal democracy, defective democracy, electoral democracy, hybrid democracy indicate a rather not exhaustive list of a regime that obeys formally to the democratic criteria but fails to fulfil the essence of democracy. Whereas legal scholars and political scientists have suggested that we are heading towards the transformation of Law as we know it, others have rather addressed the “end of Law”. Is the phenomenon of illiberal democracies a new constitutional phenomenon or is only part of a more profound process of the transformation of Law?

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Fußnoten
1
For certain legal scholars as far as Hungary and Poland are concerned, the use of the term “illiberal constitutionalism” is justified. Drinóczi and Bień-Kacała (2019), p. 1140.
 
2
Kelsen (2000 reed.).
 
3
See Blokker (2019) and Bugarič (2018).
 
4
European Parliament resolution of 1 March 2018 on the Commission’s decision to activate Article 7(1) TEU as regards the situation in Poland.
 
5
One of the modified articles weakens the constitutional court’s capacity to influence the content of fundamental law—including that in the process of being amended—and revokes the validity of its preceding verdicts.
 
6
Bugarič notes that the rule of law in Western Europe preceded the development of democracy by several centuries. From this perspective, “while the institutions of the rule of law can be a decisive brake on the arbitrariness of the executive, they cannot by themselves prevent authoritarianism. Only democracy has this power. In other words, if citizens continue to vote for autocrats, the institutions of the rule of law alone are not enough to prevent the rise of dictators. Bugarič (2018).
 
7
See the EP press release, MEPs: Hungary can no longer be considered a full democracy, 15-09-2022.
 
8
These principles are Legality, including a transparent, accountable and democratic process for enacting law; Legal certainty; Prohibition of arbitrariness; Access to justice before independent and impartial courts, including judicial review of administrative acts; Respect for human rights; and Non-discrimination and equality before the law.
 
9
For the possibility of an anti-democratic decision and the limits of constituent power see Beaud (1994).
 
10
Mavrouli (2022).
 
11
Alonso et al. (2011).
 
12
On the ground that the sovereign will of the whole people could never be authentically represented.
 
13
Landemore (2007).
 
14
Diamond and Gunther (2001); Rosanvallon (2008); Rancière (2005).
 
15
Manin and Urbinati (2007).
 
16
Idem.
 
17
Fukuyama (2006).
 
18
Rosanvallon (1998); Crouch (2004).
 
19
Hayat and Sintomer (2013).
 
20
Crouch (2004).
 
21
Denquin (2010).
 
22
Idem.
 
23
Manin (1995).
 
24
Idem.
 
25
Denquin (2010).
 
26
Müller (2016).
 
27
Weiler (2020).
 
28
Idem.
 
29
Hochmann (2019).
 
30
Idem; Philippe (2019).
 
31
For the objective of the article, we use the terms “democratorship” and “illiberal democracy” interchangeably.
 
32
T. Hochmann, op.cit.
 
33
Article 16 of the French constitution of 4 October 1958.
 
34
See Zakaria (1997).
 
35
Article 11 of the French constitution of 4 October 1958.
 
36
Constitutional Council, Decision n° 62-20 of 6 November 1962.
 
37
Le Divellec (2002).
 
38
See Klein (1996).
 
39
See Cayla (2006).
 
40
Power to the people in the sense that a crucial matter has been decided via referendum.
 
41
Mérieau (2019), pp. 185–208.
 
42
Rosanvallon (2000), p. 201 and p. 237. See also Rosanvallon (2020), p. 97s.
 
43
See Silitski (2006).
 
44
Hochmann (2019) and Philippe (2019).
 
45
Hochmann (2019), p. 20.
 
46
Le Petit Robert, dictionnaire de la langue française, régime politique mêlant des apparences démocratiques et un exercice autoritaire du pouvoir.
 
47
Rosanvallon (2020), p. 227.
 
48
See CJEU C-156/21 et C-157/21.
 
49
Rosanvallon (2020), p. 228.
 
50
See Diamond (2002).
 
51
For the authoritarian/autocratic legalism and the so-called conformity to the law, see Hochmann (2019), pp. 13–14.
 
52
Idem.
 
53
Urbinati (2014).
 
54
Dubout (2021).
 
55
Idem.
 
56
The opposite does not stand according to Troper. See Troper (1992), pp. 51–63.
 
57
See CJEU C-715/17, C-718/17, C-719/17; C-192/18; C-619/18; C-791/19.
 
58
See the Freedom House reports.
 
59
Lochak (1989). See also Troper (1989).
 
60
Yannakopoulos (2019).
 
61
In French we talk about “pluralism ordonné”.
 
62
As for example the legal revolution which consisted in the replacement of customary law by legislated law or the one which sees French legicentrism gradually giving way to a mixed system of normative production in which the judge, and therefore case law, play a major role. See Poirmeur (2015), p. 24.
 
63
Poirmeur (2015), p. 25.
 
64
For an in-depth analysis of the interconnection between these three phenomena and the end of law, see Poirmeur (2015), p. 32.
 
65
Ibid, p. 26.
 
66
Rosanvallon (2020), p. 246.
 
67
Without making populism an element of analysis of this paper, we cannot pass by the critiques or endorsements of this characteristic feature of modern democracies. If “democratorships” designate countries such as Poland and Hungary, the specific relationship between people and its leader updates the relationship between constitutionalism and populism. Even if according to the adepts of popular constitutionalism, constitutionalism and populism are not incompatible, the “bad” populism can be generator of a process of degradation of the relationship between elected and electors, governed and governors. P. Rosanvallon calls this “entropie démocratique”. Rosanvallon (2020), p. 250. See also Tushnet and Bugarič (2021).
 
68
Roulhac (2019).
 
69
Dubout (2021).
 
70
Idem.
 
71
Urbinati (2014).
 
72
Tushnet and Bugarič (2021).
 
73
For the figure of judge as Hercules see Dworkin (1988).
 
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Metadaten
Titel
An Analysis of Illiberal Democracies. Towards the End of Law?
verfasst von
Roila Mavrouli
Copyright-Jahr
2024
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-71889-2_4

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