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2019 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

23. Approaching the Human-Environment Nexus Beyond Conflict: A Peace and Coviability Perspective

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Abstract

The perception of the natural environment in terms of resources to meet anthropogenic ‘needs’ may stimulate competition among actors, which could eventually lead to conflict, especially in times of scarcity. Based on this core assumption, a great number of studies have investigated the human-environment nexus from a conflict and security perspective. Later on, many researchers have critically questioned the relevance of this literature and alternatively envisioned the environment as an incentive for cooperation rather than for violence. Accordingly, the concept of ‘environmental peacebuilding’ has been developed to investigate the evolution of environmental cooperation into a conflict transformation tool. Against such a background, this work aims at reviewing and discussing the relevance of both research trends with a focus on their ability to appropriately approach the human-environment nexus and to provide a useful theoretical and policy-making framework. Regarding the literature on environmental conflict, the analysis shows that its core assumptions remain questionable and its empirical and theoretical conclusions are contested. In respect to environmental peacebuilding, despite its attractiveness, more systematic research is still needed to make it a robust framework. Therefore, the analysis suggests the coviability of social-ecological systems as an alternative to properly perceive the human-environment nexus. This is based on the belief that the viability of human societies depends intimately on the living components of natural and managed systems, and that the coviability approach has the potential to adjust our perception with regard to the position of humans in the biosphere. A position which should be mainly oriented towards ensuring solidarity between humans to maintain viable ecosystems instead of conflict or limited, pragmatic cooperation driven schemes. This may raise hopes that future targets can be achievable and that human societies and ecosystems are sufficiently resilient and better prepared for a world of universal ecological change.

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Fußnoten
1
Violent conflict is defined as deliberate violent acts perpetrated by an organized or semi-organized group against state forces, other organized or semi-organized groups or civilians within the territorial borders of a recognized state (Van Baalen and Mobjörk 2016).
 
2
According to Hagmann (2005), ‘environmental conflict’, ‘environmental security’, or ‘eco-violence’ are often used interchangeably in the literature. Environmental conflict literature designates research contributions that portray or discuss the natural environment as a cause of violent conflict. There is no widely accepted definition of what constitutes an environmental conflict or environmental security, nor is there agreement on whether environmental conflict exists as a distinct type of violence.
 
3
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a well-known example where water scarcity plays a role in a conflict and has been used by different parties as a means of applying pressure. Gleick and Heberger (2014), for instance, mention the 2011 destruction of water tanks, pumps and wells by the Israeli army in several Palestinian villages. The Vietnam War is also a good example: the US Army used the thesis of P. Gouro, who had drawn up a map of the dikes in northern Vietnam, to bombard these dikes and cause massive flooding. Yves Lacoste then wrote a famous book on this subject stating that: Geography was primarily used to make war! showing that the fine knowledge that geographers can provide about the relations between environment and society, can be used for the purpose of damaging this binomial. Here, we are in a process of the deliberate destruction of coviability.
 
4
The geographer of the ORSTOM M. Benois has shown that among the first Protected Areas in Africa, several were carried out in areas that had been depopulated by slavery and inter-ethnic conflicts.
 
5
For instance conceived a typology to classify water-related conflicts, but these categories are generally ever-evolving, adding conceptual confusion to the existing body of environmental peacebuilding framework literature.
 
6
Kelley et al., by reference to the hypothesis of climate change-induced conflicts, argued that the Syrian conflict was partially caused by a preceding drought.
 
7
Focusing on Asia Pacific Countries, Blondel (2012) claims that low-and high-intensity resource-based conflicts in the region have thus far been primarily intra-state and this trend is likely to continue with climate change. Resource-based conflicts are likely to be both within and between sectors and user-groups with causes and effects also crossing state boundaries. Resource-based conflicts in the region already also stretch across borders and this has affected sub-regional stability.
 
8
According to Blondel (2012), several overarching conflict risk factors are present in the Asia Pacific Countries and relate primarily to supply and demand dynamics. This is true particularly in regards to water. For example, seven of the world’s greatest rivers, fed by glaciers in the Himalayas and the Tibetan plateau, supply water to roughly 40% of the world’s populations. Yet as these glaciers decline several countries, primarily China where many of Asia’s key rivers originate, may divert waters as their own needs increase. This could adversely impact on other countries, however, and low-intensity conflicts already exist over several proposed dam projects.
 
9
A causal link between climate change and armed conflict was clearly explained by the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) in its 2007 report entitled Sudan: Post-Conflict Environmental Assessment, http://​postconflict.​unep.​ch/​publications/​UNEP_​Sudan.​pdf
 
10
The capacity of the planet to absorb pollutants, including carbon dioxide.
 
11
Focusing on Turkey’s water policy and its impact on bilateral relations with Syria and Iraq in Euphrates Tigris basin, Oktav (2017) claims that water can be used both as a weapon of war during hostilities and as a source of cooperation.
 
12
Climate-related environmental change is defined as a change in biophysical conditions that are or will be affected by a change in the state of the climate or by variations in the mean state of the climate (van Baalen and Mobjörk 2016).
 
13
Insular Oceania shows that, in small islands, wars have far more serious consequences than those occurring in continents because defeated parties can only escape by sea and have little chance to survive. Also, the war is either ritualized or avoided by measures of space management that prevent potential belligerents from interaction, and thus develop animosity towards each other. Rather than having lines of contact between populations, as are the borders in Europe, non-contact zones are created with crossing points (an Oceanic version of the Berlin Wall with checkpoints, except that instead of the wall there are spaces inhabited by evil spirits). For centuries, people have lived with little contact with their neighbors, which has led to a linguistic speciation with no earthly equivalent (nearly 1000 languages in Melanesia which are real languages, not dialects). Therefore, from the most severe natural constraints for the survival of humans, adaptive measures may be created within viable human societies.
 
14
This population-environment-conflict rationale is captured in an early pronouncement by Robert MacNamara (former US Secretary of Defense and former President of the World Bank) who said in 1984 that: “short of thermo-nuclear war itself, population growth is the gravest issue the world faces over the decades immediately ahead”. Barnett (2000) warns against this suspicious reasoning likening population growth to nuclear war since it comes from key figures in the Northern world order such as MacNamara; whose ‘world’ is MacNamara referring to? If MacNamara the philanthropist is talking here about the plight of those who are adversely affected by rapid population growth and famine, then the ‘world’ in question may be that of the Southern people at the receiving end of the exploitative, poverty-making global economy. This ‘world’ is at risk from those very institutions with which MacNamara is so familiar – the World Bank, the Pentagon, and Global corporations. More probably, MacNamara is referring to the world of the wealthy and powerful and the possibility that the growth in the number of Others might undermine the stability of (Northern) world order. In environmental security discourse, claims to the ‘global’ often mask the pursuit of the Northern powers’ interests (Dalby 1999).
 
15
It is due to this suspicious scenario that the Non-aligned Movement and the Group of 77 objected to the securitization of climate change during the two Security Council debates on climate change (2007, 2011); in part because of the perceived potential, and even risk, that Council members may abuse this approach by relying on it as an excuse for using military intervention to enforce legal obligations in respect of climate change (Scott 2012).
 
16
The same logic applies to the current international counter-terrorism agenda.
 
17
Water negotiations between Israel and Jordan illustrate this (Wolf et al. 2005; Jägerskog 2013).
 
18
Transboundary agreements on shared natural resources are an often-used example of institutionalized environmental cooperation, which is understood in the literature and among many stakeholders as a positive indicator of political will to cooperate on environmental issues. Political cooperation, based on pre-existing environmental cooperation initiatives, has similarly been shown in a number of cases to be a successful way to restore dialogue between states (Dresse et al. 2016).
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Approaching the Human-Environment Nexus Beyond Conflict: A Peace and Coviability Perspective
verfasst von
Mohamed Behnassi
Copyright-Jahr
2019
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-78497-7_23