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Erschienen in: The Review of International Organizations 3/2017

30.12.2016

Balancing friends and foes: Explaining advocacy styles at global diplomatic conferences

verfasst von: Jan Beyers, Marcel Hanegraaff

Erschienen in: The Review of International Organizations | Ausgabe 3/2017

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Abstract

The growing attempts by non-state interests to influence global policy processes has attracted much scholarly interest in recent years. One important question thereby is what characterizes and explains the interactions of non-state advocates with policymakers. In order to clarify this matter, we analyse the advocacy strategies of non-state actors, more precisely whether and why they address opponents instead of more like-minded policymakers. For this purpose, we analyse evidence collected through 228 interviews with advocates who attended the WTO Ministerial Conferences (Geneva 2012) and the United Nations Climate Conferences (Durban 2011; Doha 2012). Our results show that transnational advocates predominantly target like-minded policymakers and that their activities are much less focused on their opponents. Variation in advocacy towards opponents or like-minded policymakers is explained by the alignment of non-state actors with policymakers, the salience of topics on the political agenda, group characteristics, and whether or not advocates hail from democratic countries.

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Fußnoten
1
Non-state actors are (1) organizations that (2) seek policy influence, yet (3) have no interest in gaining executive of legislative power themselves (Beyers et al. 2008; Prakash and Gugerty 2010). This includes a wide range of organizations such as NGOs, business associations, or research organizations.
 
2
We use ‘advocacy’ as a generic concept referring to all political activities adopted by non-state actors that seek policy influence. We are aware that ‘advocacy’ is regularly used in relation to NGOs or civil society organization (often labeled as ‘advocacy organizations’); it is less commonly employed with respect to business interests (whose activities are denoted as ‘lobbying’). Nonetheless, we take the position that business and non-business interests use political strategies that can be considered as conceptually equivalent (Prakash and Gugerty 2010; Sell and Prakash 2004). In addition, we have two other reasons for restricting the use of ‘lobbying’ in the context of this paper. First, it might be considered as an inappropriate term for NGOs or civil society. Second, during our fieldwork we deliberately did not use the concept ‘lobbying’ because this is – depending on the national context and also for representatives of many business interests – a highly value-loaded concept.
 
3
Respondents come from Africa (34), Asia (59), Europe (69), Northern America (44), Oceania (9), and South America (15). Frequent countries are: US (34), GB (16), India (12), Germany (11), Japan (10), Netherlands (10). See Online Appendix for more details on the sample, the questionnaire used and the response rates.
 
4
Note that the population of transnational advocates consists primarily of actors who have their roots in nation-states and are, as Tarrow put it, ‘rooted cosmopolitans’ (2005; Hanegraaff et al. 2015). One other reason for not including some interviews is because the respondents (n = 55) indicated that they did not lobby in favor or against a specific issue; rather, they attended the conference to learn or network with other non-state actors. For the analysis in this paper we also exclude labor unions from the analysis due to the very low number of interviews with representatives from these organizations (n = 8).
 
6
We also contemplated to conduct a separate analysis for organizations that were present at both venues as this would enable us to test whether similar organizations act differently in varying contexts. However, somewhat to our surprise the overlap of groups that were active at both venues is extremely small (n = 4), which rules out this option.
 
8
One could rightly question this approach as we do not explicitly model the propensity to address uncommitted policymakers. In order to check whether our usage of a proportional scale affects the conclusions, we tested various models for which we re-coded the dependent variable into categorical variables placing respondents that focus on uncommitted policymakers in distinct categories. The major conclusion from these tests is that interactions with uncommitted policymakers is not driven by a distinct logic and appears to resemble the interactions with like-minded policymakers (see Online Appendix for more details).
 
9
As we lack data on political leadership selection for 24 countries in which no free elections are organized (i.e., countries that score lower than 0 on the POLITY IV index), we control for leadership selection in a separate model (4b) with fewer countries (199).
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Balancing friends and foes: Explaining advocacy styles at global diplomatic conferences
verfasst von
Jan Beyers
Marcel Hanegraaff
Publikationsdatum
30.12.2016
Verlag
Springer US
Erschienen in
The Review of International Organizations / Ausgabe 3/2017
Print ISSN: 1559-7431
Elektronische ISSN: 1559-744X
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11558-016-9262-z

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