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2016 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

3. Basic Dynamics of Extortion Racketeering

verfasst von : David Anzola

Erschienen in: Social Dimensions of Organised Crime

Verlag: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

The emergence and prevalence of systemic extortion depends on particular institutional arrangements, produced as adaptive responses of the interaction between different social actors. The following typology characterises these arrangements in six categories, involving three main social actors: criminal organisations, state and civil society. While the six categories focus on institutional arrangements that foster systemic extortion, the typology could be loosely described as presenting two categories focusing on each of the three main social actors. The predominant social actor in each category derives from the relative importance of that actor for the specific aspect of the institutional arrangements addressed by each category. The major contribution of this typology is the acknowledgement that extortion rackets cannot be understood without looking at the dimensions of the political environment they exist in (i.e. state) and the social environment (i.e. civil society, which comprises potential and actual victims). Following the six categories, the main factors allowing for the emergence and persistence of systemic extortion are grouped into socio-spatial, socio-normative and socio-cognitive factors.

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Fußnoten
1
The notion “organised crime” is sometimes contested due to its generality and the fact that sometimes it theoretically attributes to the criminal organisation a level of cohesion and stability that is rarely seen in practice (Paoli & Vander Berken, 2014 ). In this case, because the focus is on systemic extortion, the notion “organised” is used referring to criminal structures that are relatively widespread, remain reasonably stable over long periods of time and, most importantly, are perceived by other social actors, who act according to those perceptions. Because the focus is on institutional arrangements generated from adaptive responses of different agents, this last factor is fundamental for the analysis.
 
2
Institutional penetration does not directly correlate with the level of activity of the criminal organisation. Two criminal organisations can differ in the level of institutional penetration while being similar in the type and extent of their extortion activities. However, it is likely that the organisation with lower level of institutional penetration is required to invest more resources into securing the temporal extension of the extortion. Identifying these institutional arrangements does not provide much insight into what type of extortion is possible, but into what type of institutional arrangements are likely to lead to tenable systemic extortion.
 
3
For a more thorough justification of the inclusion of the concept of social capital see Anzola & Elsenbroich (2015).
 
4
As a point of conceptual contrast, domestic violence has the advantage of being a rather isolated form of systemic victimisation. It is clearly delimited within the boundaries of the household. In turn, the context and participants are likely to remain reasonably stable throughout the process.
 
5
In a sense, however, the development of protection rackets could be understood as an increase in social capital, given the fact that institutional means of violence are developed by a private actor that might not be considered an outsider. Taking into account cases such as the Chinese migrants in New York, it is likely that the perception of this private monopoly of violence as originating from bonding or linking social capital has significant influence on judgements about crime and deviance. A monopoly of violence that emerges as bonding social capital is more likely to be positively valued by the victims.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Basic Dynamics of Extortion Racketeering
verfasst von
David Anzola
Copyright-Jahr
2016
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-45169-5_3