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2021 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

9. Canadian Communication Policies in the Post-Netflix Era

verfasst von : Michel Sénécal, Éric George

Erschienen in: The Values of Public Service Media in the Internet Society

Verlag: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

During the twentieth century, regulation of broadcasting and telecommunications in Canada in culture and media sectors was based on notions such as national sovereignty and public service. Moreover, all policies put forward until the turn of the 2000s followed the same orientation. Since its establishment in Canada in 2010, Netflix, the international film streaming platform, has benefited from a favorable environment for its development following the 1999 decision of the CRTC (Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunication Commission), the federal regulatory authorities, ensuring the exemption of digital media from the Canadian public system rules, that is, the requirement to broadcast a percentage of Canadian content and contribute to the national television and film production. This is while domestic companies from the audiovisual sectors are subject to a strict unchanged regulation.

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Fußnoten
1
Department that oversees, among other things, cultural and media industries.
 
2
“Netflix and Ottawa have exchanged just under 733 pages of emails in the months preceding the announcement of the Creative Canada Policy Framework […] the major part of these exchanges rests unknown since 660 pages (90%) are completely and 64 of them are partially redacted!” (Roy 2018). Furthermore, the Investment Canada Act (ICA) prohibits the federal government from disclosing the terms of the agreement without Netflix’s authorization.
 
3
Formulation of Graham Spry, president of the Canadian Radio League, who had to ensure the application of the proposals carried out by the Royal Commission of Radio Broadcasting (1928). Spry wanted to signify that Canada has to choose between either establishing strong public policy in the culture and communication sectors, or letting the United States establish itself as the dominant player in this sector.
 
4
The development of the Internet led to questioning the relevance of national frontiers. The presence of large groups dominating market liberalization in Canada appears to be more relevant since they, starting with Bell, Quebecor, Rogers, and Telus, are supposed to be able to compete with the large international media groups.
 
5
The statistics available in May 2020 are essentially those that were produced between 2017 and 2018.
 
6
In 2018, Netflix had 7.7 million subscribers in Canada (about 54% of the households) and pocketed an estimated $1 billion, or 11.5 % of the $8.74 billion total revenue of the Canadian television market (Winseck 2019).
 
7
The subscription rate was only 4.5% for French speakers before the launch of Crave in French, in 2020.
 
8
In 2019, the percentage of households in Quebec subscribing to Netflix increased to 75% upon adding people between ages of 18 and 24 (CEFRIO 2019).
 
9
Media chronology defines the order of diffusion and the deadlines according to which the various modes of exploitation of a cinematographic work can take place, starting from the date of theatrical release.
 
10
The movie windowing defines the various modes of film distribution: theaters, video sell-through, video rental, pay-per-view, video on demand, internet rental, internet sell-through, pay television, and television (basic free).
 
11
Netflix acted more like a film company by giving itself the right to distribute its production as it sees fit. It should be remembered that Canada has always been part of the U.S. domestic film market and also that, unlike broadcasting, there is no specific legislation for the film industry in Canada and Quebec. Regulation is more a matter of tacital agreements between industry players, since negotiating power seems to be mainly in the hands of distributors.
 
12
This rupture partially began with media technologies such as cable or direct-to-home satellite, which made it possible to receive more and more programming from overseas.
 
13
The amount of $500 million represents the value of Netflix’s gross investment in Canadian productions (i.e., before the calculation of tax credits). Netflix is eligible for Canadian tax credits on the same basis as other producers.
 
14
In theaters for screening as part of the Quebec Cinema festival in February 2020 and then on the platform.
 
15
In 2018, the production of screen-based content in Canada (film, television, filming and visual effects) totaled $8.9 billion. About half of this amount ($4.77 billion, or 53%) represented foreign films shot in Canada and visual effects contracts from Canadian studios. The other half ($4.16 billion, or 47%) was Canadian content production by film and television producers. With some $250 million investments per year, Netflix thus represents about 3% of the country’s content production industry.
 
Literatur
Zurück zum Zitat CRTC (Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission). (2016). Discoverability summit. Content in the Age of Abundance. 10-11 May. Retrieved June 4, 2020, from http://discoverability.ca/. CRTC (Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission). (2016). Discoverability summit. Content in the Age of Abundance. 10-11 May. Retrieved June 4, 2020, from http://​discoverability.​ca/​.
Zurück zum Zitat Government of Canada. (1968). Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission Act. Ottawa: Ministry of Justice. Government of Canada. (1968). Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission Act. Ottawa: Ministry of Justice.
Zurück zum Zitat Government of Quebec. (2018). An Act to improve the performance of the Société de l’assurance automobile du Québec, to better regulate the digital economy as regards e-commerce, remunerated passenger transportation and tourist accommodation and to amend various legislative provisions. Bill n°150, approved on June 12, 2018, Quebec. Government of Quebec. (2018). An Act to improve the performance of the Société de l’assurance automobile du Québec, to better regulate the digital economy as regards e-commerce, remunerated passenger transportation and tourist accommodation and to amend various legislative provisions. Bill n°150, approved on June 12, 2018, Quebec.
Zurück zum Zitat Musso, P. (2019). Le temps de l’État-Entreprise: Berlusconi, Trump, Macron. Paris: Fayard. Musso, P. (2019). Le temps de l’État-Entreprise: Berlusconi, Trump, Macron. Paris: Fayard.
Metadaten
Titel
Canadian Communication Policies in the Post-Netflix Era
verfasst von
Michel Sénécal
Éric George
Copyright-Jahr
2021
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-56466-7_9