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Erschienen in: Demography 5/2016

13.09.2016

Changes in the Transnational Family Structures of Mexican Farm Workers in the Era of Border Militarization

verfasst von: Erin R. Hamilton, Jo Mhairi Hale

Erschienen in: Demography | Ausgabe 5/2016

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Abstract

Historically, undocumented Mexican farm workers migrated circularly, leaving family behind in Mexico on short trips to the United States. Scholars have argued that border militarization has disrupted circular migration as the costs of crossing the border lead to longer stays, increased settlement, and changing transnational family practices. Yet, no study has explored changes in the transnational family structures of Mexico-U.S. migrants that span the era of border militarization. Using data from the National Agricultural Workers Survey, we document a dramatic shift away from transnational family life (as measured by location of residence of dependent children) among undocumented Mexican farm workers and a less dramatic shift among documented Mexican farm workers in the United States between 1993 and 2012. These trends are not explained by changes in the sociodemographic characteristics of farm workers or by changing demographic conditions or rising violence in Mexico. One-half of the trend can be accounted for by lengthened duration of stay and increased connections to the United States among the undocumented, but none of the trend is explained by these measures of settlement among the documented, suggesting that some Mexican farm workers adopt new family migration strategies at first migration. Increases in border control are associated with lower likelihood that children reside in Mexico—a finding that holds up to instrumental variable techniques. Our findings confirm the argument that U.S. border militarization—a policy designed to deter undocumented migration—is instead disrupting transnational family life between Mexico and the United States and, in doing so, is creating a permanent population of undocumented migrants and their children in the United States.

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Fußnoten
1
“Undocumented” refers to immigrants who are present in the United States without proper authorization.
 
2
The total and the Mexican undocumented populations peaked at 12 million and 6.9 million, respectively, in 2007 and declined during the Great Recession to their current levels (Passel and Cohn 2014).
 
3
As of this writing, the federal DREAM Act is unpassed, the 2012 DACA is active, and the 2014 DACA expansion and DAPA program are halted on court injunction.
 
4
That border control disrupts circular migration and leads to family formation in the United States does not mean that other types of transnationalism are disrupted. Settled migrants may still maintain transnational ties with extended family and friends in their communities of origin.
 
5
The NAWS was designed to provide information about the farm labor force; the fact that CIS collects information about H-2A visa holders meant that the information would be redundant. For our purposes, the effect of excluding temporary visa holders is unclear. Insofar as temporary visa holders are better able to maintain a transnational family life, the exclusion of H-2A visa holders may overestimate changes in transnational family life among all Mexican farm workers over this period. On the other hand, H-2A visa holders can sponsor immediate family members for H-4 visas, facilitating family life in the United States.
 
6
The majority (79 %) of children of undocumented parents are U.S.-born citizens (Passel and Taylor 2010). Assuming that this rate is similar among farm workers, we would expect the change to be driven to a greater extent by births in the United States.
 
7
This result is unexpected given qualitative studies featuring Mexican migrants with children in both countries (e.g., Dreby 2010; Mummert 2009). Because respondents were not asked to list children who are not financially dependent on them, it is possible that this rate is low because farm workers with children in the United States and children in Mexico are less likely to provide financial support to their children in Mexico. It is also possible that they continue to financially support children in Mexico but fail to report them on the survey questionnaire. Assuming that this pattern of response does not change over time, our results underestimate the proportion of farm workers with children in Mexico in any given year but do not misrepresent the time trends.
 
8
We also lagged the independent variable by 1, 2, and 3 years, and the results were similar, with larger coefficients the longer the lag. Similar results reflect the fact that the SWBP staff increased linearly from 1990 to 2012.
 
9
We also tested for employment growth in accommodation and food services and food manufacturing from 1990 to 2012; results are consistent.
 
10
In the NAWS, approximately 60 % of farm workers are married, and nearly all married farm workers are parents (Martin 2012). In supplemental analyses (not shown), we found that the trends for spousal location of residence among married farm workers are nearly identical to those for children, suggesting that this is a process of family migration or formation.
 
11
This is the only relevant demographic variable that we found that spans the full period of migration of NAWS respondents. However, we also tested for the state- and year-specific teen fertility rate for migrants arriving in the United States between 1990 and 2012, and we found a positive association with child residence in Mexico. That is, migrants who left Mexican states in years with higher teen fertility rates were more likely to have children in Mexico at the time of the survey. Including this variable did not account for the time trend, consistent with our results for national teen fertility rate in Table 2. Because limiting the sample to migrants arriving after 1990 resulted in a substantial and systematic loss of sample, we present results for the national teen fertility rate instead.
 
12
Because we do not know what year the children migrated, we also estimated models with the homicide rate measured in the year of the survey, the year prior to the survey, and the median year between the year of migration and the year of the survey. The results were consistent with those reported in the article. All coefficients were negative, but only some were significant at p < .05.
 
13
Hanson and Spilimbergo (1999) and Hanson et al. (2002) examined the impact of border control on wages, and Orrenius and Zavodny (2003) explored the effect of border control on apprehensions.
 
14
Other congressional immigration-related actions that might impact migrants’ transnational family practices do not vary as cyclically as do budgetary decisions or the election cycle.
 
15
Comparisons of logistic regression coefficients (or odds ratios) across models can be biased by unobserved heterogeneity, so we compare predicted probabilities instead (Mood 2010).
 
16
We also estimated these models without survey weights but with standard errors clustered on year, and the results were similar.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Changes in the Transnational Family Structures of Mexican Farm Workers in the Era of Border Militarization
verfasst von
Erin R. Hamilton
Jo Mhairi Hale
Publikationsdatum
13.09.2016
Verlag
Springer US
Erschienen in
Demography / Ausgabe 5/2016
Print ISSN: 0070-3370
Elektronische ISSN: 1533-7790
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s13524-016-0505-7

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