Abstract
International regimes cannot themselves generate the resources they require to fulfil their objectives. NATO is entirely dependent on member states to provide military capability. The UN, IMF and EU depend for their survival on the willingness of their members to meet their assessed budgetary contributions. The success of the Climate Change Convention depends on whether states fulfil their commitments to reduce their output of greenhouse gases. Central to the effectiveness of all these regimes, therefore, is the ability of states to agree how to share the costs of providing common goods amongst themselves. For only states possess the ability to mobilise the resources — financial or otherwise — on which the provision of so-called ‘international public goods’ depend.
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Notes
Mancur Olson, Jr. and Richard Zeckhauser, ‘An economic theory of alliances’, Review of Economics and Statistics, 48, 1966, pp. 266–79.
Mancur Olson, The Logic of Collective Action: Public Goods and the Theory of Groups, Harvard University Press, 1965, p. 29.
Important contributions to this literature include Jacques van Ypserle de Strihou, ‘Sharing the defence burden among Western allies’, Review of Economics and Statistics, 49, 4, 1967, pp. 527–36;
Bruce M. Russett, What Price Vigilance?, Yale University Press, 1970;
Mark Boyer, International Cooperation and Public Goods: Opportunities for the Western Alliance, John Hopkins University Press, 1993;
Todd Sandler, ‘The economic theory of alliances: a survey’, Journal of Conflict Resolution, 37, 3, September 1993, pp. 446–83;
John R. Oneal and Mark A. Elrod, ‘NATO burdensharing and the forces of change’, International Studies Quarterly, 33, 1989, pp. 435–56;
John R. Oneal, ‘The theory of collective action and burdensharing in NATO’, International Organisation, 44, 3, Summer 1990, pp. 379–402;
John R. Oneal, ‘Testing the theory of collective action: NATO defense burdens, 1950–1984’, Journal of Conflict Resolution, 34, 3, 1990, pp. 426–48.
Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, SIPRI Yearbook 1973, Almqvist and Wiksell, 1973, p. 209.
Glenn Palmer, ‘Corralling the free rider: deterrence and the Western Alliance’, International Studies Quarterly, 34, 2, 1990, pp. 147–64 does include Japan in analyses of Western defence burdensharing. However, his analysis focuses on changes in national defence spending levels, not comparative defence burdens.
Mark A. Boyer, ‘Trading public goods in the Western alliance system’, Journal of Conflict Resolution, 33, 4, December 1989, p. 715.
Joseph Nye, ‘Redefining the national interest’, Foreign Affairs, 78, 4, July/August 1999, pp. 28–9.
Charles Kindleberger, The World in Depression 1929–1939, University of California Press, 1974;
Robert Gilpin, War and Change in World Politics, Cambridge University Press, 1982;
Robert Keohane, After Hegemony, Princeton University Press, 1984.
For a critique of hegemonic stability theory, see Duncan Snidal, ‘The limits of hegemonic stability theory’, International Organisation, 39, 4, Summer 1985, pp. 579–614.
For an overview, see Wallace Thies, ‘Alliances and collective goods: a reappraisal’, Journal of Conflict Resolution, 31, 2, June 1987, pp. 298–332.
Russett, What Price Vigilance?, pp. 112–16. Also see William M. Reisinger, ‘East European military expenditures in the 1970’s: collective good or bargaining offer?’, International Organisation, 37, 1, Winter 1983, pp. 143–55.
Lisa L. Martin and Beth Simmons, ‘Theories and empirical studies of international institutions’, International Organisation, 52, 4, Autumn 1998, p. 737. Also see
Stephen D. Krasner (ed.), International Regimes, Cornell University Press, 1983;
John Gerard Ruggie (ed.), Multilateralism Matters: the Theory and Praxis of an Institutional Form, Columbia University Press, 1993.
John S. Duffield, ‘Explaining the Long Peace in Europe’, Review of International Studies, 20, 4, October 1994, pp. 376–7.
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Alastair Iain Johnston, ‘Thinking about strategic culture’, International Security, 19, 4, Spring 1995, p. 34.
Key works include Karl Deutsch et al., Political Community and the North Atlantic Area: International Organisation in the Light of Historical Experience, Princeton University Press, 1957;
Michael Doyle, ‘Kant, liberal legacies and foreign affairs, part 1’, Philosophy and Public Affairs, 12, 3, 1983, pp. 205–35;
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Stephen Rock, Why Peace Breaks Out: Great Power Rapproachement in Historical Perspective, University of North Carolina Press, 1989;
Nils Peter Gleditsch, ‘Democracy and peace’, Journal of Peace Research, 29, 4, 1992, pp. 369–76;
Bruce Russett, Grasping the Democratic Peace, Princeton University Press, 1993;
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For further discussion, see William Wallace, Regional Integration: the West European Experience, Brookings Institution, 1994, Chapter 2.
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For further discussion, see Malcolm Chalmers, Confidence-building in South-East Asia, Westview Press, 1996, pp. 142–51.
Robert Jackson, Quasi-states: Sovereignty, International Relations and the Third World, Cambridge University Press, 1993, p. 16.
In a recent example, France was unable to convince its colleagues that the euro zone should be represented at international gatherings by France, Germany and Italy in rotation. Martin Walker, ‘France seeks to bolster IMF’, Guardian, 28 September 1998.
For a sceptical discussion of the connection between aid and General Assembly voting patterns, see Paul Mosley, Overseas Aid: Its Defence and Reform, Wheatsheaf Books, 1987, Chapter 2.
World Bank, World Development Indicators 1998, World Bank Publications, 1998, pp. 5, 344.
For example, see Eugene Gholz, Daryl G. Poress and Harvey Sapolsky, ‘Come home, America: the strategy of restraint in the face of temptation’, International Security, Spring 1997, pp. 5–48.
Hanns W. Maull, ‘Germany and Japan: the new civilian powers’, Foreign Affairs, Winter 1990, 91–106.
Stephen Walt, ‘International relations: One world, many theories’, Foreign Policy, 110, Spring 1998, p. 44. For an extended discussion of the regrettable prevalence of ‘false dichotomies’ in international relations theory, see
Michael Brecher, ‘International studies in the twentieth century and beyond: Flawed dichotomies, synthesis, cumulation. ISA Presidential Address’, International Studies Quarterly, 43, 2, June 1999, pp. 213–64.
Niall Ferguson (ed.), Virtual History: Alternatives and Counterfactuals, Papermac, 1997, especially Chapters 5 and 6. The seriousness of the challenges posed to liberal democracy by fascism and communism is also a central theme in
Mark Mazower, Dark Continent: Europe’s Twentieth Century, Penguin, 1999.
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© 2000 Malcolm Chalmers
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Chalmers, M. (2000). Theory and Explanations. In: Sharing Security. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-0-333-97740-8_1
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