Abstract
Because the day-to-day experience of wealth was based on the maintenance of credit, it was in a real way ‘fortune’ in the sense of being fortunate, because unpaid debts could easily become liabilities, dragging a household into the courts where its credit and wealth could be lost. Even for competent bookkeepers it was impossible to predict whether their own credit would suffer as a result of the unpaid debts of others, because profit was so dependent on the rapidly changing conditions of supply and demand. When it is considered that such insecurity existed in the competitive conditions of an economy with an oversupply of labour, it is not surprising that men had little confidence in the potential longevity of their wealth — because the institutional security provided by banks and other organizations of scale was just not present.
Debt is a consumer of credit and state, of goods and good name.
(Henry Wilkinson, The Debt Book, 1624)1
Men tumble up and downe in the world.
(Ralph Josselin, Diary, 1653.)2
By extreme sale of their wares [many tradesmen] become rich for a time but afterward fall again into poverty.
(William Harrison, Description of England, 1587.)3
I have liv’d to see, such is the uncertainty of human affairs, and especially in trade, the furious and outrageous creditor become bankrupt himself in a few years, or perhaps months after, and begging the same mercy of others.
(Daniel Defoe, Complete English Tradesman, 1726)4
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Notes
Michael Mascuch, ‘Social mobility and middling self-identity: the ethos of British autobiographers, 1600–1750’, Social History, 20 (1995), pp. 56–60.
C. Jackson (ed.) The Autobiography of Mrs. Alice Thornton, Surtees Society, LXII (1875), pp. 135–8.
The first Act of this kind was originally passed in December 1649, and allowed imprisoned debtors to apply for their discharge if they swore they were worth no more than five pounds in total assets. After this, the creditor had 30 days to deny that the debtor was actually this poor if he had evidence to the contrary. If the debtor was released, he was still held to be responsible for the debt. The Act under which the poor prisoners in Lynn applied for release was passed on 5 April, 1652, and simply allowed new debtors incarcerated in the time since the first Act to apply for a discharge. C.H. Firth and R.S. Rait (eds.) Acts and Ordinances of the Interregnum (London, 1911), II, pp. 321–5
In addition to the work of Joanna Innes on the King’s Bench Prison, and that of Paul Haagen see also, Beattie, Crime and the Courts, pp. 288–309; Earle, Making, pp. 124–5; R.B. Pugh, ‘Newgate between two fires’, Guildhall Studies in London History, III (1978), pp. 137–63
Ibid., p. 125. Also see Pepys, Diary, III, p. 13, VI, pp. 149–50; D.M. Woodward, The Trade of Elizabethan Chester, Occasional Papers in Economic and Social History #4 (University of Hull, 1970), p. 112.
Pepys, Dairy, III, p. 53; VI, pp. 144, 149. There was also a case in the letters of the estate steward Daniel Eaton where he reported that it took ten years before one labourer was paid his wages. Wake and Webster (eds.), Letters of Daniel Eaton, p. xlii. Many workmen’s wages also remained unpaid after a seven-year period of accounting for the rebuilding of Crome Abbey. Howard Calvin (ed.), Letters and Papers Relating to the Rebuilding of Crombe Abbey, Warwickshire, 1681–1688, The Walpole Society, 15 (1984), p. 296.
J.M. Fewster, ‘The keelmen of Tyneside in the eighteenth century, Part I’, Durham University Journal, New Series, 19 (1957), p. 27.
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© 1998 Craig Muldrew
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Muldrew, C. (1998). Litigation and the Social Order: Debt and Downward Mobility. In: The Economy of Obligation. Early Modern History: Society and Culture. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26879-5_10
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