Abstract
This article focuses on the continuities and discontinuities in the conservation history of the eighth-century Buddhist temple Borobudur in Central Java, Indonesia, particularly in relation to processes of state legitimation, inclusion, and exclusion. It aims to understand how, why, and for whom this temple—which was officially listed as a World Heritage Site in 1991—transformed into heritage throughout regime changes in colonial and post-colonial times. In reaction to what seems to be a state-centred bias in the study of heritage formation, we will demonstrate how the theory of “the gift,” as discussed in the classic work by Marcel Mauss, can be a useful tool to investigate heritage dynamics beyond the perspective of state civilizing missions, state supported heritage agencies, and so-called authorized heritage discourses. We will also seek to understand the moral and material engagements with the temple from perspectives that are not exclusively related to state interests, and which come from within and across the borders of empires and post-colonial states.
Borobudur is in great danger! Borobudur must be saved! This heart breaking cry reverberates in every corner of the world
(Soekmono on May 31, 1968, in: Soekmono 1969)
Let Buddha be my refuge
(Tagore 1927)
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Notes
- 1.
UNESCO Archives, Paris (hereafter UNESCO), CLT/CH/78: Speech Soeharto, Borobudur, February 23, 1983.
- 2.
See Pemugaran 1983 about the information on the offering of the karbauw, as told to MB by Henri Chambert-Loir (Jakarta, February 1, 2011) who heard this from the French architect Jacques Dumarçay. As technical advisor in the “Save Borobudur” Campaign, Dumarçay attended the inauguration.
- 3.
UNESCO, CLT/CH/78: Speech Soeharto, Borobudur, February 23, 1983.
- 4.
UNESCO, CLT/CH/78: Speech Amadou-Mahttar M’Bow, Borobudur, February 23, 1983; Brochure of the ceremony: Acara Peresmian Berakhirnya Pemugaran Candi Borobudur, February 23, 1983.
- 5.
PT, the Indonesian acronym for Perseroan Terbatas, is the standard use for Limited Liability Company in Indonesia. Taman Wisata means Tourist Park.
- 6.
- 7.
- 8.
UNESCO, CLT/CH/ 81: Borobudur––comité exécutif, Eiji Hattori, OPI/ACP to ADG/PRS via Deputy director OPI, May 18, 1982.
- 9.
- 10.
“Ledakan Malam di Borobudur,” Tempo, January 26, 1985.
- 11.
UNESCO, CLT/CH/79.2. This file contains the international reactions (official and in the press), as well as UNESCO Press review, January 25, 1985. As a continuation of the normalizing policy of the New Order government, the museum Karmawibhangga at the Borobudur site, which was built in the 1980s, has a small display on heritage and destruction (caused by natural and man-made disasters), in which the bomb attack plays a tiny role and is portrayed as a completely neutralized, external attack.
- 12.
See also the UNESCO monthly newsletter Orient-Occident, published since 1958, informing its readers on “UNESCO’s Major project on Mutual Appreciation of Eastern and Western Cultural Values.” On the post-war developmental aims behind UNESCO’s cultural programmes in the 1950s see Rehling (2011, 3–5).
- 13.
For the continuities of UNESCO’s humanitarian ideals of the unity of humankind with nineteenth-century evolutionary thinking see Sluga (2010).
- 14.
More specifically, for the role of Greater India thinking in Indian-Indonesian encounters, see Ramstedt (2011).
- 15.
This line of inter-Asian cultural knowledge production and conservation practices needs further investigation. For some historiographic inventories see Casparis (1954), Basa (1998), Ali (2009). For case studies see Clémentin-Ohja and Manguin (2007), Jory (2002), Peleggi (2004), Ramstedt (2011), Bloembergen and Eickhoff (2011, 2013b).
- 16.
- 17.
For Tagore’s visit to Borobudur also see Ramstedt (2011).
- 18.
KITLV, H 1214, Travel letter by Tagore, November 17, 1927. Tagore’s letters were translated into Dutch by one of Tagore’s travel companions in Java and Bali, the Dutch Sanskritist and musicologist A.A. Bake, and published in the (Dutch lingual and colonial) Javanese cultural journal Oedaya in 1927.
- 19.
- 20.
Also see KITLV, H 1214, Travel letter by Tagore, November 17, 1927.
- 21.
- 22.
Anom 2005, 54, argues that the mission’s report never reached the Indonesian authorities and that the documents were lost in the renewed armed conflict: only three months after this Indian mission was completed the Dutch army invaded Yogyakarta. However, the library of the India-oriented Kern Institute in Leiden has a copy of the report of the mission (typoscript) that was submitted to the Indian government in 1950 (Srinivasan 1950).
- 23.
The paragraphs on these Indian archaeological missions to Borobudur are derived from Bloembergen and Eickhoff 2011, 428–9. For the influence of “Greater India” thinking on Nehru’s post-independence pan-Asian ideals see Bayly 2004, 729 and 735–40. For “Greater Indian” archaeological interest in the Dutch East-Indies see Casparis 1954, Basa 1998, Ramstedt 2011.
- 24.
- 25.
Archive Balai Pelestarian Peninggalan Purbakala (BP3) Yogyakarta Istimewa, Indonesia, Laporan Tiga Bulanan, Seksi Bangunan Dinas Purbakala di Prambanan, Triwulan Ke II, 3–4 [Typoscript].
- 26.
- 27.
For the technical details see Anom 2005, 57–8. We aim to further investigate what exactly happened at the site of Borobudur during this time. Rumour has it that this early endeavour of conserving the temple was troubled more by illegal sales and financial mismanagement than by political upheaval. KITLV, Archive Van Romondt, inv. nr. 27, (Roger) Yong Djiet Tann to Van Erp junior, March 5, 1969.
- 28.
The metaphor of “the heart transplantation” is from A.J. Bernet Kempers, in UNESCO, CLT/CH/80, Campagne de Borobudur–––exposition––ceremonie de cloture, 1976–1984, Bernet Kempers to Yudhishthir Raj Isar, Division of Cultural heritage of UNESCO, March 20, 1977. Working for the Dutch East Indies colonial Archaeological Service in the 1930s, Bernet Kempers had become its director after the Japanese Occupation (1947–1949) and subsequently became the first director of the Indonesian Dinas Purbakala (1950–1953). He remained an authority on Indonesian archaeology and conservation politics in Java and Bali, and was deeply engaged with Borobudur’s fate.
- 29.
Figures here are based on Vickers 2005, 156–60. The events surrounding the coup and the mass killings have for a long time been one of the mysteries of modern Indonesian history, and continue in post- New Order, reforming and democratizing Indonesia, to be a matter of dispute. For summaries of various interpretations and problems see Cribb 2002, 2009 and Roosa 2006.
- 30.
UNESCO, X07.21 (910), Relations with Indonesia, Official. Report on “Indonesia,” May 24, 1968, by P.C. Terento (UNESCO’s director of the Bureau of the Member states) to the director general of UNESCO (René Maheu) in Paris.
- 31.
UNESCO, Sessions of the General Conference 1968, 15 C/DR 66, 30.7.1968.
- 32.
Figures, rounded off, are based on Labrousse 1974, 210. They reveal the state of funding in August 1973. At the beginning of 1971 a budget was assessed for the whole operation of 5.5 million US dollars, of which 2 million US dollars should have been raised on or before December 31, 1972, as a precondition to begin the operation in 1973. But after further investigations into the state of the monument, the budget that was estimated to be necessary almost doubled at a price of 7.7 million US dollars. In the end, the restoration cost, apart from the working hours of 600 men over a period of more than ten years, was almost 7 million US dollars.
- 33.
For the complete state of donations by the end of the campaign see UNESCO CLT/CH 77, Chief accountant to N.S. Naqvi, May 22, 1981, Appendix III. “Trust funds for the safeguarding of the temple of Borobudur. Statement of contributions pledged and received and other income to 30 April 1981.”
- 34.
Moreover, since 2008 the Netherlands has once again been engaged in the preservation of Borobudur in a “Fit-in-Trust,” a technical collaboration project between Indonesia and the Netherlands that is coordinated by the World Heritage Centre of UNESCO, accessed January 9. 2011. http://whr.unesco.og/en/news/463.
- 35.
UNESCO, CLT/CH/29, “Press dossier prepared by the division of cultural Heritage, December 1982.”
- 36.
Although interviews thus far have not revealed the link, it may be that EFEO/UNESCO conservation projects in Cambodia can provide an example for the creation of a zoning system around heritage sites that includes the expropriation of the land around the site. We found a copy of an internal UNESCO report (Hansen 1969) in the library of the Archaeological Conservation Centre at Borobudur. This report on water management structures and conservation plans for Phnom Kulen also discussed plans for a park around the temple; it suggested involving local residents in the development of these plans in order to make them more supportive and more inclined to move from their land to make way for a national heritage park.
- 37.
Which were formalized in 1982 by the Indonesian government and its Japanese partner, with the earmarking of 150,000 US dollars to be used in the future maintenance of Borobudur and (among others) its natural surroundings.
- 38.
- 39.
UNESCO, BRX/AFE/10 (Indonesia/Borobudur, 1972–1983), Eiji Hattori (Japanese philosopher and staff member of UNESCO) to Thet Tun, December 30, 1982.
- 40.
For a rather positive evaluation of the local versus global profits in heritage politics at Borobudur see Black and Wall 2001, 128–9.
- 41.
This is a summary of three criteria (i, ii, and iv) by which Borobudur was enlisted as World Heritage Site in 1991. Accessed January 9, 2011. http://whc.unesco.org/en/criteria.
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Bloembergen, M., Eickhoff, M. (2015). Save Borobudur! The Moral Dynamics of Heritage Formation in Indonesia across Orders and Borders, 1930s–1980s. In: Falser, M. (eds) Cultural Heritage as Civilizing Mission. Transcultural Research – Heidelberg Studies on Asia and Europe in a Global Context. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-13638-7_5
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