Abstract
We saw in chapter 2 that practical activity is as important as observers’ intellectual activity in constructing new experience. In chapter 3 I argued against the privileged status of private experience and that what we take to be an individual’s experience owes a great deal both to what that individual does and to what other people do. Experience confined to disembodied minds has no significance for science. A theory of the construction of scientific language must recognize embodiment as well as the permeability of laboratory walls.1 Successful experimentalists move easily between the laboratory and the world, drawing elements of the ‘outside’ world into the laboratory and disseminating them as properly constituted scientific phenomena. Analogy features prominently in this process. One of the main images of electromagnetic field theory — curves of force — emerged from activities, many of which would not be associated with the ‘context of discovery’ as this is usually understood. In this chapter I consider some places in which the language of electromagnetism was fashioned. This includes many more contexts of activity than the familiar, epistemologically privileged one, the laboratory.2 The development of field theory was shaped by work done in places such as workshops, arsenals, lecture theatres, and demonstration rooms, and also by ideas and images expressed in the pages of journals, an encyclopaedia, textbooks and manuscripts.3
Using any word — whether the word be “good”, or “conscious”, or “red”, or “magnetic” — involves one in a history, a tradition of observation, generalization, practice and theory.
H. Putnam
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Notes
Ibid., p. 193 ff. Peter Barlow, for example, taught mathematics at Greenwich and made magnetic experiments in the workshop of Woolwich arsenal. The movement and sharing of laboratory staff between institutions ensured the exchange of many skills and techniques which were not recorded. For an eyewitness account of London science in the following decade, see Joseph Henry’s diary of his 1837 visit to London and other European cities in Reingold et al., eds (1979).
See, for example, Hesse (1961) and Scott (1963).
Electromagnetic theory (science) and its applications weren’t differentiated at this stage: Gooding (1985c).
See his Diary (Martin 1932–36), vol. 4, and chapter 10 below.
For the political significance of the vacuum see Shapin and Schaffer (1985).
Hackmann (1979, 1989).
For more on William Sturgeon see Gooding (1985c).
For illustrations see Gooding (1989a).
Barlow (1824a), p. 793.
Ibid., pp. 793–4.
On the acoustical figures see Williams (1965), p. 179 ff, and for the application of Wheatstone’s techniques to electrostatics see Gooding (1978, 1985a). The acoustical researches helped assemble the skills needed for his discovery of electromagnetic induction, see Tweney (1985).
Barlow wanted to minimize the implications of Oersted’s discovery for his new method of correcting the magnetic influence of iron on ships’ compasses. In 1821 he showed that the interaction of currents and needles could be described in terms of ordinary magnetic forces, construed as the resultants of a new “tangential force”. Reduced to the empirical inverse-law of action between needle and wire to an inverse-square law of action between magnetic particles and current elements, the new effect did not undermine his application of the existing theory of magnetism to navigation. See Barlow (1822), p. 281 (where he claims that his law of action explains Faraday’s rotations) and (1824b), pp. 232–34.
Barlow, (1824a).
Forbes (1835); for the popularity at this time of wave-theories of heat and other forces see Cantor (1983), chapter 6 and Brush (1971).
It is reproduced in figure 10.2 as Faraday’s “figure 23”.
See Gooding (1982b) and section 10.7.
For the metaphysical background see Williams (1965), chapters 1 and 2, and Gooding (1980a).
“Report on Faraday’s paper read April 5 1832 …”, Royal Society MS (RRI, 62). The report is mainly by Christie. It appears to be a first report, yet the paper summarized in it is what Faraday read to the Royal Society several months earlier. 5 April is the formal date of Faraday’s paper, Faraday (1832a, 1832b). See his Diary, (Martin 1932–36) v. 1, p. 389 and Faraday (1839–55), vol 1., pp. 1, 40–41.
The constant action of the magnetism on the detector (through the induction coil) hardly seemed equivalent to the slight, temporary action actually detected. At first Faraday postulated a reactive state in the secondary curcuit. This would be characteristic of the material in which the induced current would otherwise flow continuously. The induced current lasted only whilst this ‘electrotonic state’ was being set up or dissipated. Christie and Bostock accepted this explanation of the ‘want of energy’ of the inductive effect of magnetism.
Diary (Martin 1932–36), vol. 1, pp. 381, my emphasis; see also ibid., pp. 397, 400–1.
Faraday (1852a, 1852b), reprinted in Faraday (1839–55), vol. 3.
Loc. cit. note 21.
In 1831 this idea was still nearly two decades away. See Gooding (1980a), Wise (1979a) and Smith and Wise (1989).
This is suggested by reflections on unipolar induction which led to his sealed note on the propagation of magnetism. See the Diary for January to April 1832, especially March 8-26; Williams (1965), p. 181, and Miller (1986), pp. 108–10.
Faraday (1832a), p. 32, para. 114.
Ibid., para. 114 and the plate reproduced in figure 4.7.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid., para. 116, my emphasis.
See Nersessian (1985), pp. 175–78.
Heilbron (1981), p. 202.
Harré (1981), p. 52.
Ibid., pp. 53–56.
Loc. cit. note 21. Cp. para. 84 of Faraday’s published paper.
Institution of Electrical Engineers, Faraday Papers, MS note.
A psychological approach to frameworks is advanced in R. Tweney (1989a). Sociological treatments of frameworks of observation are Lynch (1985a) and Latour (1986).
In Polanyi’s terms, agency falls out of the account because scientists become concerned with the significance of phenomena as evidence for theoretical constructions. This shifts their awareness away from practices to the phenomena they produce, so that awareness of enabling techniques remains at best only peripheral, Polanyi (1964), pp. 55–57, 63–70, 161–63.
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Gooding, D. (1990). Making curves. In: Experiment and the Making of Meaning. Science and Philosophy, vol 5. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-009-0707-2_4
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