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2015 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

1. China’s Globalizing Primary Cities as a Contested Space: An Introduction

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Abstract

The main argument of this book establishes that the strong state-led and pro-market reforms and urbanization have served to enhance the State’s competitiveness, as a latecomer to an advanced level of modern industrialization, and its limited tolerance of permanent slum formation in image-building Chinese cities under reconstruction. Migrants and their welfare entitlements are highly conditional on their residency/hukou status. The ‘Right to the City’, as a citizen’s right, has thus been compromised, at least in the transitional period, in both the urban renewals and the relocation process. This chapter provides an overall introduction to the research background, its significance, the research aim and framework, the research questions and methodologies and the structure of this book.

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Fußnoten
1
‘Primary city’ refers to China’s most influential cities—Beijing, Shanghai and Guangzhou, which are the respective command centre, hub of innovation and growth engine of China’s three metropolitan regions: Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei metropolitan area, the Yangtze River Delta and the Pearl River Delta.
 
2
Hukou system is a residency permit system that has separated the rural population from urban population, and the local population from the non-local. It is generally acknowledged that the hukou system confers a wide range of welfare benefits and rights on the urban population, while denying them to the rural population. A migrant worker has the right to work in the city with a temporary residency permit renewable every one or two years subject to employment evidence. The migrants maintain their non-local residency status and enjoy practically relatively few welfare benefits in the host city (Wang 2005a; </CitationRef>Chan 1994).
 
3
Danwei was the dominant institution and urban workplace in the public-oriented and distributive economy. Danwei acted as the state agencies in cities, responsible for the subsistence, political life, and social welfare (e.g. housing, medical care, kindergarten and entertainments) for its employees. There were mainly three kinds of danwei in China: (I) Jiguan danwei consisting of Party organizations and the governmental functional departments holding administrative power; (II) Shiye danwei including non-profit units without administrative, allocative or regulatory authorities; and (III) State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs) (see Lu and Perry 1997). The public sectors involved in welfare housing allocation and housing reforms included: central government departments, municipal governments, state-owned enterprises, public institutions (Wang 2001; Huang and Jiang 2009).
 
4
Neoliberalism is the ideology that supports the privatization of state-owned enterprises, the deregulation of markets, and the promotion of the private sector’s role in society. It was earliest coined in 1938 by Alexander Rüstow, arguing that the ‘laissez-faire’ was not enough and advocating ‘the priority of the price mechanism, the free enterprise, the system of competition and a strong and impartial state’. In the 1980s, much of neoliberal theory was incorporated into mainstream economics, through the trimming of governmental expenses on public services and the marketization of public resources such as health, education and public housing (e.g. Regan and Thatcher’s neoliberal reforms). Neoliberalism was introduced to boost competitiveness, but it is believed that Neoliberalism has disempowered the workers and inhabitants (Brenner and Theodore 2002; Purcell 2002).
 
5
The concept of ‘urban developmentalism’ was proposed by Roy Ananya in order to highlight the neoliberal culture or the institutional context of neoliberal policy-making, including the ways in which the state assets such as public land have been capitalized in socialist regimes since their market-led reform (see Roy 2002: 140 and 143; Oren 2009).
 
6
Mode of urbanism: David Harvey (1973: 203) made preliminary observations on the relationship between urbanism as a social form, the city as a built form, and the dominant mode of production. He defined ‘Urbanism’ as ‘a social form, a way of life predicted on, among other things, a certain division of labour and a certain hierarchical ordering of activity which is broadly consistent with the dominant mode of production’ (Ibid: 203). He further argued that ‘the city and urbanism can therefore function to stabilize a particular mode of production (they both help create the conditions for the self-perpetuation of that mode); but the city may also be the locus of the accumulated contradictions and therefore the likely birthplace of a new mode of production’ (Ibid).
 
7
In 2011, 1 US dollar was equivalent to 6.46 Chinese yuan.
 
8
Economic Housing in particular is sold at a subsidized price and tradable after a 5-year residency period.
 
9
‘Nail-house’ refers to ‘Dingzihu’ who refuses to make room for development.
 
10
The ‘urban village’ (namely ‘chengzhongcun’ in Chinese) is, in land use and urban planning provisos, incompatible with the norms specified, suffering from substandard housing, inferior quality in built and living environment, lack of facilities and infrastructure. In practical and realistic terms, the ‘urban village’ has reduced the cost of urbanization and facilitated China’s rural-urban immigration in the last two decades, by acting as a ‘transitory shelter’ with cheap rental housing for newcomers and creating rental incomes for the local landless peasants. ‘Urban villages’ are rural patches of land situated within the city area, surrounded by or adjacent to urbanized and developed landscape, whereas ‘suburban villages’ are sited at the fringe of the urbanized zone of a city. The latter are sometimes called ‘peri-urban villages’ (see Liu et al. 2012).
 
11
The low-income families resettled from the inner city are the inner-city residents who are dislocated by city-branding movements and then get resettled through the governmental subsidized housing projects (named ‘Economic Housing’ in Beijing). The settled residents are mostly laid-off and unemployed former state workers, a typical ‘poverty of transition’ created by institutional changes (Wu 2004a). Their dislocation and resettlement process is virtually a form of housing privatisation that serves to convert the low-income households into the ‘homeowners of low-capitalised assets’ (Wu 2007b). It represents a formalized urbanization pattern with a high incidence of home/land acquisition used by the ‘growth coalition’ to fuel the urban developments and finance infrastructure provision.
 
12
The ‘middle-class’ in China’s transitional era is a social stratum lying above ordinary working people yet they are not rich. Their number is not proportionately as large as that in the United States (Chen 2002).
 
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Metadaten
Titel
China’s Globalizing Primary Cities as a Contested Space: An Introduction
verfasst von
Ran Liu
Copyright-Jahr
2015
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-14738-3_1