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2021 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

11. Classical Liberalism, Non-interventionism and the Origins of European Integration: Luigi Einaudi, Friedrich A. von Hayek, Wilhelm Röpke

verfasst von : Antonio Masala, Alberto Mingardi

Erschienen in: Political Economy and International Order in Interwar Europe

Verlag: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

What did classical liberal thinkers contribute to the theoretical underpinnings of the European unification project? This paper examines works by Luigi Einaudi, Friedrich A. von Hayek and Wilhelm Röpke, attempting to understand to what extent the nineteenth-century pacifist tradition of classical liberalism came back to life in works of these authors. Their views on the international order show a certain degree of homogeneity—but up to a point. While Einaudi and Hayek were distinctively more favourable to the European project, Röpke had a less favourable view of European unificaton, fearing it may result in increasing centralisation. They, nonetheless, shared some common elements in understanding international order that we trace back to nineteenth-century liberalism.

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Fußnoten
1
Examples of this literature abounds. See, among many, Blyth (2013). Mazzucato (2013, 2018) builds on similar assumptions, to propose a different narrative aiming at glorifying government intervention.
 
2
An exception was Jacques Necker who, forty years before Tocqueville, wrote a complex comparative treatise on executive power in which he showed to fully appreciate the advantages of the American model. See Craiutu (2018).
 
3
A different criticism is the one provided by Gartzke (2005), which aims to complete the theory with considerations built on more recent empirical evidence of the benefits of economic freedom.
 
4
Panebianco (2018) is an ambitious attempt to read foreign policy in the light of individuals’ interactions in the social and political spheres. While the actions and systems of beliefs of particular individuals can appear to be far away from the determinations of ministers and diplomats, they indeed contribute to shape and influence them. Panebianco’s, contemporary understanding of the interaction between the micro and the macro sphere is not grounded in a rejection of the specific nature of politics, as he stresses that political obligation has a distinctively different nature from contract obligation. Yet he stresses that “if power needs, as it does, the intention of those who exercise it to exercise it, i.e. the intention of imposing their own will to somebody else, this does not mean that all consequences of the exercise of power are rightly foreseen, projected, willed” (Panebianco 2018, 131). It is in the realm of the (often unintended) consequences of such exertions of power, that common individuals, their ideas, their wishes, their sentiments, end up with having a say. Taking into account this fact is, for Panebianco, the rationale for a theory of international order which is micro-founded.
 
5
On Spencer, see, among others, Mingardi (2011).
 
6
Einaudi’s support for European unification was shared by prime minister Alcide De Gasperi. De Gasperi’s understanding of economic matter was indebted to Luigi Sturzo, an Italian Catholic priest and a champion of the market economy (Felice and Sandonà 2017).
 
7
So, it is not surprising that Einaudi has been called “the father of the fathers of Europe” (Santagostino 2017).
 
8
For an overview of the friendly and affectionate relationship between the two, see Omiccioli (2018, 87–90).
 
9
On this matter, see Bassani (2009).
 
10
A similar argument is proposed when States, instead of being grouped into very large federations, are very small. Also, in this case, interventionism and protectionism would be impracticable, and political fragmentation would favour peace (Hayek 1939, 264).
 
11
Spieker also underline how Lionel Robbins, in the book quoted by Hayek (Robbins 1937), was firmly persuaded, probably much more than Hayek, of the need for an international authority with coercive powers. Two years later (Robbins 1939), he also «explicitly attacked Cobdenite liberalism for its inconsistency» and «emphasised the failure of nineteenth-century liberalism to recognise the need for “a framework of international security” and “a super-national authority»” (Spieker 2014, 924). On Hayek and Robbins, see also Felice (2016, 104–20).
 
12
Hayek and Röpke already knew each other fairly well in the 1930s, and in the post-war years they worked together at the Mont Pèlerin Society project. In this sense, it is rather surprising that, in his vast production, Röpke disregards Hayek’s essays.
 
13
The contents of the Internationale Ordnung, published in 1945 and never translated into English, will merge, with changes and additions, into Internationale Ordnung—Heute, 1954, translated into English in 1959 as International Order and Economic Integration. In the literature, such English translation has sometimes been mixed up with the 1945 edition.
 
14
Nonetheless, Röpke acknowledges that there is also a problem of strategy, in terms of how to achieve “economic liberation,” because of the opposition of public opinion (Röpke 1959, 261).
 
15
In this respect, crucial is Röpke’s experience in the “underdeveloped” Turkey, see Masala and Kama (2018).
 
16
Here, the difference is not only with Hayek—with whom (also) on the subject of a much more aggressive anti-communist attitude there was a break-up that would later have repercussions on the Mont Pèlerin Society—but with other liberals as well. In particular, Milton Friedman was convinced that it was his duty (in order to contribute to improving the living conditions of the population) to give good economic advice also to those politicians who had nothing to do with liberalism; and in fact he did his best to give advice not only to Pinochet’s Chile, but also to communist China (Masala 2017, 194ff.).
 
17
In our understanding, the only author who claimed without compromises to be rejuvenating the classical liberal approach for the twentieth century was Ludwig von Mises.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Classical Liberalism, Non-interventionism and the Origins of European Integration: Luigi Einaudi, Friedrich A. von Hayek, Wilhelm Röpke
verfasst von
Antonio Masala
Alberto Mingardi
Copyright-Jahr
2021
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47102-6_11