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2024 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

5. Conclusion

verfasst von : Valur Ingimundarson

Erschienen in: Iceland’s Arctic Policies and Shifting Geopolitics

Verlag: Springer Nature Switzerland

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Abstract

Since the end of the Cold War, Iceland’s approach toward the Arctic has been driven by two central concerns: that it be counted as a legitimate Arctic state and that its geostrategic location be used to promote political and economic aims. It partly explains the belabored status-seeking attempts to define Iceland’s Arcticness as being exceptional or privileged—whether to buttress the questionable claim that it is the only coutry situated as a whole within the Arctic region or to push, until recently, for external recognition of its status as an Arctic coastal state. As we have seen here, this national narrative was met with skepticism by some other Arctic states. To be sure, despite strong Soviet and, later, Russian reservations, Iceland was included in the Arctic institutional arrangements that were formed in the 1990s, notably, the Arctic Council, but also other regional organizations—where its stakeholding role or interests were minimal—such as the Barents Euro-Arctic Council, the Council of the Baltic Sea States, and the Northern Dimension. Yet the Arctic Five were initially not prepared to accept Iceland’s coastal state aspirations, even if they belatedly recognized its maritime interests in the Arctic by including it in the negotiations on the fishing moratorium in the Arctic Ocean.

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Fußnoten
1
On the agreement, see Cayla Calderwood and Frances Ann Ulmer, “The Central Arctic Ocean fisheries moratorium: A rare example of the precautionary principle in fisheries management,ˮ Polar Record 59 (2023) (e1), January 16, 2023, accessed May 29, 2023: 1–14, https://​doi.​org/​10.​1017/​S003224742200038​9; Jon Rahbek-Clemmensen and Gry Thomasen. “How has Arctic coastal state cooperation affected the Arctic Council?” Joji Morshita, “The Arctic Five-plus-Five process on central Arctic Ocean fisheries negotiations: Reflecting the interests of Arctic and non-Arctic actors.”
 
2
See Valur Ingimundarson, “Territorial Discourses and Identity Politics: Iceland’s Role in the Arctic.” Ingimundarson, “Iceland’s Post-American Security Policy, Russian Geopolitics and the Arctic Question.”
 
3
Interview with a high-level U.S. State Department official, June 30, 2014.
 
4
See also Icelandic Ministry for Foreign Affairs. Norðurljós. Skýrsla starfshóps um efnahagstækifæri á norðurslóðum.
 
5
While characterizing his relationship with Grímsson as that of a “mutual admiration society,” Össur Skarphéðinsson diverged from the former President on Ukraine by being highly critical of Russia’s invasion. See “Pólitískur langhlaupari” [A Political Long-distance Runner], Morgunblaðið, July 8, 2023, accessed July 15, 2023, https://​www.​mbl.​is/​greinasafn/​grein/​1839699/​?​t=​287169512&​_​t=​1690133439.​100768.
 
6
Bjarni Benediktsson briefly succeeded Gylfadóttir as Foreign Minister from October 2023 to April 2024. But when he became Prime Minister after Katrín Jakobsdóttir resigned as Prime Minister in the spring of 2024 to run—unsuccessfully—for the position of President of Iceland, Gylfadóttir returned as Foreign Minister.
 
7
See Marc Lanteigne, “The Rise (and Fall?) of the Polar Silk Road.”
 
8
U.S. Department of Defense, Summary of the 2018 National Defense Strategy: Sharpening the American Military Competitive Edge, 3; see also Department of Defense, Arctic Strategy (June 2019), accessed November 30, 2022, https://​dod.​defense.​gov/​Portals/​1/​Documents/​pubs/​Report_​to_​Congress_​on_​Resourcing_​the_​Artic_​Strategy.​pdf; United States Coast Guard, Arctic Strategic Outlook.
 
9
See Marzia Scopelliti and Elena Conde Pérez, “Defining security in a changing Arctic: helping to prevent an Arctic security dilemma,” Polar Record 52, no. 6 (2016): 672–679.
 
Metadaten
Titel
Conclusion
verfasst von
Valur Ingimundarson
Copyright-Jahr
2024
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-40761-1_5

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