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2019 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

1. Contemporary Agrarian Questions—An Introduction

verfasst von : Seema Purushothaman, Sheetal Patil

Erschienen in: Agrarian Change and Urbanization in Southern India

Verlag: Springer Singapore

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Abstract

‘Peasant’ has been a favourite, if not romantic, topic of academic explorations. The boundaries that peasantry shared with others in society were stark and amenable to dichotomous treatments of deprivation and exploitation. Closely intertwined, nature and peasant were both exploited by landlords and industries. Surging economies distanced themselves from the primary sector in favour of propelling further growth while inflicting considerable social and ecological externalities on nature and the peasant alike. The accumulation of these conflicts in production landscapes created vast inequalities in outcomes, agency and voice, that often resulted in violent unrests. Thus, questions of justice, equality, dignity and human rights have been the subject of agrarian literature for a long time. As ‘peasant’ in its pure old-world imagery began to fade away, a more complex entity started emerging—the smallholder family farm. While other rural occupations like weaving, carpentry, leather and metalworks, backyard poultry, folk art, etc., disappeared almost entirely from the rural livelihood basket due to falling demand and competition from mass producing industries, crop cultivation and dairying survived as the last bastions of small-scale household production, coexisting with new non-farm activities.

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Fußnoten
1
For example, Hobsbawm (1973), Stokes (1978), Scott (1985), Patnaik and Dingwaney (1985), Kutty (1986), McMichael (2005) and Arnold (2005).
 
2
In 2015–16, India had 125 million (86% of total holdings) small and marginal landholders who cultivated 74 million hectares of agricultural land (47% of total operated area, Agriculture Census, 2015–16). As categorised by Agricultural Census, landholdings are of five classes: marginal (0.01–0.99 ha), small (1–1.99 ha), semi-medium (2–3.99 ha), medium (4–9.99 ha) and large (more than 10 ha).
 
3
For instance, the coexistence of loan waivers declared by the State and a non-inclusive credit sector; heavy subsidisation of chemical inputs coexisting with schemes to popularise organic practices; huge public investment in irrigating rain-fed lands followed by State acquisition of the newly irrigated land for industries or infrastructure.
 
4
We do not intend to engage with the classical peasant transition or capitalisation debate that is successfully accomplished in Lerche (2013).
 
5
Recommendations to urge smallholders abandon farming since their scale is unviable and to join the urban informal sector are not uncommon, e.g. Panagaria (2019).
 
6
See Ramamurthy (2011) for the caste politics dimension to such tragedies in capitalist transition.
 
7
Equilibrium here refers to the long-term status of peasant farms. Chayanov locates these at the intersection of satisfaction and drudgery. He discussed how the balance between satisfaction in consumption and drudgery in production is affected by family size and the ratio of working members to non-working members. Equilibrium graphs constructed for factors that were not amenable to precise measurement such as willingness to put in greater efforts and desire to maintain a constant level of well-being showed downward transition towards a lower equilibrium with more drudgery and less satisfaction.
 
8
Purushothaman et al. (2012) present the diversity of policies that impact farmers.
 
9
Denying access to forests and common lands across India constrained the availability of grazing areas, farmyard manure and fuelwood for smallholdings. Soppinabettas of hilly regions of Karnataka (Purushothaman and Dharmarajan 2005) is a case in point.
 
10
Recent study by National Institution for Transforming India (NITI Aayog) indicates a reversal of feminisation (Chand et al. 2017). But in rain-fed areas with huge circular migration, the reversal anyway did not happen, resulting in feminisation of agrarian distress (Pattnaik et al. 2017).
 
11
Estimates show that since India’s independence, 42 million people have been displaced in different development projects and 60% of them were farmers. Fernandes (1999), Roy (1999) and Kothari (1996) dwell upon development-induced displacement in India.
 
12
NITI Aayog is proposing a model act to legalise land leasing for agriculture. Discussion paper on the proposed lease law can be found here—http://​niti.​gov.​in/​writereaddata/​files/​document_​publication/​NITIBlog2_​VC.​pdf.
 
13
‘High value’ here generally refers to the exotic and input-intensive nature of the produce, apart from steeper prices relative to traditional local products.
 
14
Based on information from the Indian National Agricultural Research System for the period from 2010 to 2014.
 
15
The Journal of Peasant Studies and Journal of Agrarian Change were chosen for agrarian social sciences and Agricultural Systems for agricultural sciences.
 
16
Needless to say, here we refer to normative agricultural institutions (e.g. customary sharing of seed, labour and information; food and fodder banks, etc.), while acknowledging the discriminatory and exploitative institutions of tenancy, bonded labour and untouchability as hallmarks of feudal agricultural societies.
 
17
For instance, raita teerpu (Farmers’ Jury) conducted in Karnataka during 2009, critiqued agricultural research for not taking into account farmers’ concerns http://​www.​raitateerpu.​com/​documents/​and_​the_​verdict%20​is_​.​pdf.
 
18
A country-level subsectoral analysis of Indian agriculture spanning 27 volumes, titled ‘State of the Indian farmer’ (CSDS 2014), talks about the ‘sector’ than the farmers, farm holdings or farm families. Based on data gathered from various sources (that actually mention ecological impacts and sustainability concerns), it recommends measures like intensive irrigation, without engaging with their long-term impacts.
 
19
For instance, the way in which Knowledge Initiative in Agriculture and Biotechnology Regulatory Authority bill came into being has been criticised for complete absence of transparency and democratic process (Kuruganti 2008).
 
20
Based on a rural psychological analysis of farmer suicides, Nagthan et al. (2011) brings forth the primacy of indebtedness leading to personal stress and intra-family conflicts.
 
21
These factors, especially institutional gaps, contribute to extractive behaviour than the financial impatience of the poor reflected in high discount rates referred to in economics.
 
22
Transition in terms of drudgery of production and satisfaction of consumption mentioned in Chayanov, noted in foot note 7.
 
23
Following Marx’s observation of urban proletariat first becoming a class-in-itself by mutually sharing grievances before standing together for themselves against the capitalists.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Contemporary Agrarian Questions—An Introduction
verfasst von
Seema Purushothaman
Sheetal Patil
Copyright-Jahr
2019
Verlag
Springer Singapore
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-8336-5_1