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2021 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

4. Economics in Berlin, Vienna and Other Minor German Centers

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Abstract

This chapter deals with economics in Germany and Austria, in particular in the centers of Berlin and Vienna. Firstly, the chapter examines economics in Berlin, where the Historical School lost its dominant position, and mathematical economics was developed in neo-Ricardian perspective in Bortkiewicz’ circle and in the analysis of oligopolistic markets by Heinrich von Stakelberg, and systematic empirical research on business cycles was conducted. The development of some other minor German centers in Kiel and Freiburg is also analyzed. Then, economics in Vienna is considered: here the Austrian School survived in Ludwig von Mises’ seminar, but noteworthy work on economic theory was also carried out in the Wiener Kreis and above all in the Mathematische Kolloquium where Wald’s and von Neumann’s contributions were at the origin of neo-Walrasian theory. This rich economic debate was interrupted after 1933 when Nazis and Austro-Fascists seized power.

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Fußnoten
1
Emil Lederer, though not formally associated with the University of Kiel, can also be considered a member of the group, as he worked along similar lines of research in the field of growth and business cycles.
 
2
We should also mention the role played by Othmar Spann (1878–1950), supporter of German nationalism, whose romantic universalist philosophy attracted many young students, including economists such as Hayek and Morgenstern (though they soon left Spann’s circle). Spann was able to exert influence over these young students because he held one of the professorships in economics at the University of Vienna (see Craver 1986).
 
3
He submitted his Habilitation thesis many times but it was rejected each time until 1929 (see Marchionatti 2019).
 
4
This paragraph is based on Marchionatti (2019).
 
5
As Parys (2014) notes, Remak seems to sustain the idea that “his system of superposed prices provided an ‘exact’ criterion to judge the extremal character of an economic system”, where the notion of an extremal economy “refers to a system with Pareto efficient output, where it is impossible to increase the output of any good, except by decreasing the output of at least one other” (Parys 2014, p. 58).
 
6
In fact, at the beginning of the 1920s, the Soviet planners P. I. Popov and L. N. Litoshenko (see Chap. 5.​4) referred to both Quesnay’s Tableau and Marx’s schemas of reproduction in their development of a sort of primitive input–output matrix of the Soviet economy as a whole. Leontief was marginally involved in that debate, writing an article in 1925, when he was a student in Berlin, on “the balance of the national economy of the USSR”, a critical commentary on the Popov report (see Leontief 1966).
 
7
Löwe had already examined the existing body of theoretical and empirical work on business cycles in his survey “Der gegenwartige Stand der Konnjunkturforschung in Deutschland” (The present state of research on business cycles in Germany) (Löwe 1925).
 
8
See Vanberg (2004) for a thorough presentation of Eucken and the Freiburg school.
 
9
The group also includes scholars who did not teach in Freiburg but were influential in the development of ordo-liberalism, including the economists Alfred Müller-Armack (1901–1978), who coined the term “social-market economy”, Wilhelm Röpke (1899–1966) and Alexander Rüstow (1885–1963).
 
10
On the relationship between Eucken and the historical school, see Peukert (2010).
 
11
Mayer’s pupil and assistant at the University of Vienna was the Polish-born Paul Rosenstein-Rodan (1902–1985), but he left Vienna in 1931 when he obtained a position as a lecturer at the University of London.
 
12
In his long American period, Machlup made important contributions to three other areas of economics, the imperfect competition theories—with two books: The Political Economy of Monopoly (1952a) and the companion volume The Economics of Sellers’ Competition (1952b)—the methodology of economics, an interest which went back to the Viennese years, when he published his methodological writings in the Essays on Economic Semantics (first edition 1962a, second edition 1977), and the economics of knowledge, where in 1962 he published an important book entitled The Production and Distribution of Knowledge in the United States (Machlup 1962b).
 
13
The controversy between Mises and Neurath continued in the following years, when it also involved Jacob Marschak and the Austro-Hungarian historian, economist and anthropologist Karl Polanyi (see Chap. 7.​2).
 
14
The question of foresight came up again in a volume of 1970, The Predictability of Stock Market Prices written with the British econometrician Clive W. Granger (1934–2009), Nobel Prize in economics in 2003 (Granger and Morgenstern 1970). The two authors concluded their inquiry by maintaining that the share prices were unpredictable because they followed a random walk path. Ingrao (2013, p. 661) comments: “At the end of a long journey that took him in unexpected directions, Morgenstern arrived at final confirmation of the radical doubts he had been voicing since 1928”.
 
15
Actually, the question of the theoretical assumptions of pure theory was at that time discussed by many economists: in particular, we may cite the American economists Henry L. Moore (1906) and Frank Knight (1921) Morgenstern’s point of view is certainly original.
 
16
Noteworthy, as Karl Polanyi observed, is the fact that the German term wirtschaftend, which means “exercising an economic activity”, was translated in the 1950 English edition as “economizing”, a “surprising”, ideological, choice. In fact, in the 1923 German edition, Menger used another term, sparend, to indicate economizing.
 
17
As Karl’s father was Roman Catholic and his mother, Hermine Andermann, was Jewish, the two could not marry. When Karl was born, due to the social conventions of that time, his father was forced to stop teaching at the University of Vienna and then resigned his chair. Carl then applied to Emperor Franz Joseph to have his son Karl made legitimate and his request was eventually granted (see Scheall and Schumacher 2018).
 
18
Cassel’s system was adopted as the starting point for the discussion for a series of reasons: Cassel’s (1918) book was widely used as a textbook in Central European countries (Weintraub 1983); the Viennese scholars thought that Cassel’s formulation gave the proper solution to the price imputation problem they investigated (Punzo 1991); Hans Mayer’s seminar, where the imputation problem (Zurechnungsproblem) was discussed, was the occasion when Menger and Schlesinger became familiar with the Walras-Cassel system (Mutoh 2003).
 
19
It seems that another paper by Wald would have been published in the same volume, one in which the proof of the existence of an equilibrium had been reformulated using more “modern methods” than in the 1935 paper. For lack of space, the publication was postponed to Volume 9. However, this volume was not published because of the dramatic political change of April 1938. Wald’s paper disappeared (see Arrow 1989). See also Duppe and Weintraub (2015).
 
20
For a biography of von Neumann, see Macrae (1992).
 
21
The role of Menger in the economic theory is discussed by Becchio (2008, 2009).
 
22
The objective affinity between von Neumann’s view of the economy and the classical economists’ approach was emphasized for the first time by Champernowne (19451946) in his paper accompanying the English publication of von Neumann’s paper and discussed by the Italian economist Claudio Napoleoni (1965). See also Marchionatti and Mornati (2016) and Marchionatti (2019).
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Economics in Berlin, Vienna and Other Minor German Centers
verfasst von
Roberto Marchionatti
Copyright-Jahr
2021
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-80987-4_4