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Published in: Journal of Chinese Political Science 3/2019

14-02-2019 | Research Article

Blackening Skies for Chinese Investment in the EU?

Author: Bas Hooijmaaijers

Published in: Journal of Chinese Political Science | Issue 3/2019

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Abstract

Chinese Outward Foreign Direct Investment (COFDI) in the European Union (EU) has recently increasingly drawn attention because of the opacity of state-sponsored Chinese firms, COFDI targeting of sectors including technology and infrastructure, the suddenness of COFDI, and sensitivity in the EU to China’s continuing political rise. This article focuses on how China uses OFDI as a tool of economic statecraft, and how the fact that OFDI is a tool of economic statecraft influences the reception of Chinese investment in European host countries. Proceeding through case studies of the high profile KUKA and Aixtron cases, it analyzes the conditions in the host country under which economic statecraft facilitates or complicates the completion of an acquisition, and demonstrates the challenges that Chinese firms are facing when investing in the EU due to their inseparable or suspected connections with the Chinese party-state. It finds that besides political or private party and stakeholder support, the sector and the lack of reciprocity, there is a critical role for legal frameworks, which is reflected in various calls for legal bases and screening mechanisms to block state-backed moves on strategic industries.

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Footnotes
1
A regulation is a binding legislative act and must be applied in its entirety across the EU.
 
2
Other, similar high profile cases in Europe around that time included Hinkley Point C, Syngenta, Osram Licht and Aixtron.
 
3
The development of COFDI in Germany illustrates the suddenness of Chinese investment in Europe, as it grew from €1.2 billion in 2015 to €11 billion in 2016.
 
4
The 11 EU Member States and 5 Balkan countries that participate in the 16 + 1 framework include Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Macedonia, Montenegro, Poland, Romania, Serbia, Slovakia and Slovenia.
 
5
By contrast, in for instance Germany this is more bottom-up and businesses are in the drivers seat. Enterprises are in the lead and the government focuses on facilitating the process of innovation and technological development.
 
6
When it comes to undertaking any action concerning this issue, the initiative has to come from the EU member states. This also has a political dimension, because de facto it is most likely that it has to come from the Big Three.
 
7
Two examples illustrate this point: in June 2017, Greece blocked a EU statement at the United Nations Human Rights Council criticizing China’s human rights record; Moreover, Hungary has “repeatedly blocked” EU statements criticizing the PRC’s human rights record [68].
 
8
The full list as proposed by the Commission includes critical infrastructure, including energy, transport, communications, data storage, space or financial infrastructure, as well as sensitive facilities; critical technologies, including artificial intelligence, robotics, semiconductors, technologies with potential dual use applications, cyber security, space or nuclear technology; the security of supply of critical inputs; or access to sensitive information or the ability to control sensitive information [22].
 
9
Worth noting is that the proposal is focused on security interests and was not launched to tackle the reciprocity issue [40].
 
10
Currently 12 of the 28 EU member states have a national review mechanism in place including Austria, Denmark, Germany, Finland, France, Latvia, Lithuania, Italy, Poland, Portugal, Spain, and the UK.
 
11
Besides these matters the case studies revealed uncertainty for Chinese investors in Europe, because we have seen cases including the Aixtron case where ex ante there were no issues, however in a later stage approvals were withdrawn. Also, in December 2016 Sanan Optoelectronics and GSR Go Scale Capital Advisors stopped pursuing a bid for the whole acquisition of lighting group Osram Licht, because of signs of increasing political opposition to Chinese takeovers of German firms, reflecting a perception that “resistance from labour representatives and from politicians has left an impression on the Chinese” [67].
 
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Metadata
Title
Blackening Skies for Chinese Investment in the EU?
Author
Bas Hooijmaaijers
Publication date
14-02-2019
Publisher
Springer Netherlands
Published in
Journal of Chinese Political Science / Issue 3/2019
Print ISSN: 1080-6954
Electronic ISSN: 1874-6357
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11366-019-09611-4

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