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5. Brazil: Much Debate About No Reform

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Abstract

This chapter analyzes the debates about policy reform to democratize the media sector in Brazil from 2003 to 2013. At its core, the chapter aims to explain why there has been no democratizing media reform in Brazil so far. At first sight, reforms would have seemed likely for two reasons: first, there has been a broad advocacy coalition striving for democratization in the communication sector since the 1990s. Second, the left-wing PT, in power since 2003, has close links to this movement and, more importantly, has politically suffered from concentrated and oppositional media. Still, major reforms have not been undertaken. I will show that the conditions for reform—either through policy-oriented learning or induced by an external shock—have been detrimental but not prohibitive. However, although the Coalition for Democratization relies on a broad range of civil society actors and has a stable institutional structure organizing most of its members, it suffers from two restrictions. First, the fixed institutional structure does not flexibly integrate certain actors, most specifically potential policy brokers or translators from academia and regulatory agencies. Second, the demands were long framed based on a class perspective; only recently did a communication rights perspective gain ground, which rallies international support and is harder to combat politically. Similarly, in recent years the organizational structure became more flexible. The Coalition for Democratization’s opponent, the politically dominant Private Coalition, has a strong, coherent belief system and privileged access to political institutions, since a significant section of its members are elected congresspersons and thus at the heart of policy-making.

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Footnotes
1
Industrial and urban states—those with strong unions and a left voter base—were united to decrease their representation in the Senate and additional peripheral states were founded to secure more conservative senators. For the same motives, each state was now represented by at least 8 and at most 70 deputies—which again significantly increased representation of small conservative states in the interior to the detriment of comparatively progressive and large ones like São Paulo (Ames 2001: 30).
 
2
While the percentage of households with a television set rose from 81.8 % in 1988 to 90 % in 1999, that same year only 32.8 % had a washing machine and 37.6 % a fixed telephone service (IBGE n.d.).
 
3
One decisive underlying factor is the striking inequality. It leads to a distinction between those that are not integrated into society as they lack even the basic resources to seize or even know their rights, and those that are “surintegrated” with so many resources that they are able to defy rules (Costa 2008: 118).
 
4
The MiniCom only from 2003 to 2007 published aggregated data on license holders in Brazil, which, however, could only be understood by experts (Moyses and Gindre 2009: 124). Afterwards, data were only published at the level of the more than 5000 municipalities (De Lima 2011: 61). Numbers also vary because of different criteria for ownership or control.
 
5
The “coronel’s” power is not necessarily based on financial wealth, but on a perceived one and a (cultural) dependency of the poorer sectors of local population. The “coronel” is the center of the patronage system and works as a mediator between the federal power, local population and increasingly large business. In exchange for small personal favors and the organization of public services (financial help for the funeral of relatives, bituminization of a road, etc.), he controls the local votes. Although the “coronel” is hardly relevant for the urban electorate, he remains strong in more rural municipalities and integrated, in its modern version, the use of broadcasting stations (Dos Santos 2008: 237; Costa 2008: 123).
 
6
In an interview given by José Sarney in 2005 to Carta Capital, the senator and ex-president openly admitted to own a TV station part of the Globo network for political motives: “If we were not politicians, we wouldn’t have the necessity to have media” (cited in De Lima 2006: 119, author’s translation).
 
7
Prime example is President José Sarney (1985–1990), who until 1988 assigned 1028 licenses, compared to a total of 2117 between 1934 and 1984. The large majority of them where not granted directly after the return to democracy, but during the constitutional assembly in 1988, where Sarney, among other issues, fought for a prolongation of his mandate from 4 to 5 years. 91 licenses went to deputies at that time, of which 81 voted for Sarney’s proposal (Costa 2008: 131; Görgen 2008: 205; Liedtke 2007: 440f; FENAJ 1988).
 
8
On June 6th, the risk spread between US and Brazilian bonds rose from 750 to 1709 points, not least because of warning announcements of the US Treasury Secretary and Alan Greenspan. Star investor George Soros “confidently predicted that US-based investors would ‘impose [Lula’s conservative competitor José] Serra on Brazil’” (Flynn 2005: 1244f).
 
9
The campaign program for Lula’s re-election in 2006 covers communication issues in a separate section, promising, among other things, a strengthening of public and community broadcasting and a democratization of the institutional model of communication. However, it still remains vague on these terms (Lula Presidente 2006).
 
10
These included the (conservative) President of the Chamber of Deputies, Lula’s Chief of Staff José Dirceu (eminence of the PT and mentor of Lula who was also decisive for the party’s successful campaign strategy in 2002), Delúbio Soares (Treasurer of the PT), Luiz Gushiken (Minister of the SECOM), and José Genoíno, president of the PT. The latter was told on by his brother, a PT official and state-level deputy. At a national airport, officials found him transporting 200.000 Reais in a suitcase and an additional 100,000 US$ in his underpants. This was an easy target for media attention and created the joke that “underpants now came not in four, but in five sizes: P (small); M (medium); G (large); GG (extra-large), and, finally, PT” (Flynn 2005: 1236f).
 
11
The Federal Supreme Court identified a complex structure of a political circle (involving basically the complete leadership of the PT), an operative circle around the PR consultant Marcos Valério who managed the distribution of the “allowances”, and a financial circle which prominently included the Banco Rural that issued fake credits to obscure the origin of the money. Punishments for the heads of these circles ranged from 7 to even 40 (in the case of Marcos Valério) years of prison—all with the highest security level and closed prison. It was the first time in Brazil that senior politicians received such high sentences (Fraundorfer and Llanos 2012: 3–6). However, as of August 2013, none of the convicted had started their sentences.
 
12
EBC primarily united the two public communication companies ACERP and RADIOBRÁS (Miola 2011: 45). The largest TV stations that merged into TV Brasil were TV Nacional (in Brasília) and TV Cultura (Rio de Janeiro). Radiobrás also contained eight local radio stations across the country (I062: 40). Several other local TV and radio stations existed (MinC 2006: 50).
 
13
Nevertheless, Congress brought some changes to the bill, including an ombudsman, a limitation of advertisement, and quotas for national content production (Miola 2011: 46).
 
14
The commercial sector is represented by large private media and their business organizations, e.g. ABERT, ANJ, and Bandeirantes. One of the eight seats of the civil society goes to Intervozes (at that time not yet member of FNDC), the rest to organizations of the FNDC (Teletime 2009).
 
15
The law established a minimum of first 70 min of national contents which, after a period of transition, augments to three and a half hours starting in September 2013. This is equivalent to 2.08 % of the 168 weekly hours. There are no provisions regarding the schedule of when to broadcast this content (Ancine 2012).
 
16
The representative for professional journalists is Celso Schröder, president of FENAJ and until 2010 General Coordinator of the FNDC. He defends the CCS despite the “distortions” as an important step (Bizerra 2012).
 
17
Intellectually and strategically, the central reference was Daniel Herz (1954–2006), who was famous for his book “A História Secreta da Rede Globo” where he investigates the political relations of O Globo’s owner Roberto Marinho which allowed for the rapid growth of the network during the military dictatorship (Herz 1986). Herz also led the National Front for Democratic Communication Policies during the constituent assembly and later presided the FNDC (Ramos 2006).
 
18
The cable TV law is considered an important success for the movement. Passed in 1994, it forces cable providers to transmit free of charge one community TV channel. This indeed spurred video activism, but the impact was rather limited, not least because cable TV remains comparatively weak in Brazil. Still in 2006, the number of TVs with cable connection reached only 4.6 Million in a country of almost 200 Million people. With the expansion of the middle classes, the number rose to 12.7 Million in 2011 (IPA 2012: 11, 67; Cabral 2009: 57, 60; Costa 2008: 121; I043: 125).
 
19
Internationally, Article 19 has a more liberal perspective, considering state interference as the most important threat to freedom of expression. The Brazilian chapter thus had to adapt to the local context, recognizing the limits of commercial media and asking the state to play a more active role to guarantee the freedom of expression (I044: 16; I058: 46).
 
20
Epcom was founded by Daniel Herz in 1999 and thus closely linked to the FNDC (Ramos 2006). It conducted several studies about media concentration and the prevalence of the large commercial broadcasting networks, its most encompassing one called “Donos da Mídia” (Owners of the Media). It was first released in 2002 and, after the death of Daniel Herz in 2006, got updated once in 2008 under the leadership of James Görgen (Epcom 2002; Donos da Mídia n.d.).
 
21
Murilo César Ramos and Elen Geraldes currently head the LaPCOM, which also integrates the researchers Sayonara Leal, César Bolaño (teaching at the Federal University of Sergipe in Northeast Brazil and currently heading the Latin American Association for Communication Research ALAIC), Fernando Oliveira Paulino, and Lara Haje, among a few others. Murilo Ramos, a co-founder of the FNDC, supervised the Master’s thesis of Daniel Herz in 1983 at the UnB and was one of three candidates for the new president of the EBC in 2011 (Cabral 2006: 3; Ramos 2006; Segundo 2011). He and de Lima are regularly invited for public hearings on communication issues.
 
22
In Rio de Janeiro, one should mention Adilson Vaz Cabral (Universidade Federal Fluminense, UFF), who researches particularly the articulations of social movements within communication policies (Cabral 1998, 2006, 2009, 2011) and the Communications Department at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ) with, among others, Suzy dos Santos (Dos Santos 2008; Ramos and dos Santos 2007). In São Paulo, the retired professor Laurindo “Lalo” Leal, from the USP is also visible, as he has a column in the popular leftist political blog “Carta Maior” and a TV show about communication issues in the public broadcasting station TV Brasil.
 
23
For example, the LaPCOM professor Fernando Paulino was, in 2009, representative for Intervozes in the preparation commission for the Confecom (Teletime 2009).
 
24
The Parliamentary Fronts are formally organized groups in the Brazilian Congress that usually operate across party divisions. They are based on a common topic or political goal, which can be more or less specific. As of April 2013, 164 Parliamentary Fronts are operative during the 54th legislative period from 2011–2015 (Câmara dos Deputados 2013).
 
25
Most deputies are members in several Parliamentary Fronts and can only devote scarce resources to each of them. A striking example for the limited influence of the FRENTECOM is the process of the reconstitution of the Congress’ Council for Social Communication in 2012 (see Sect. 5.2.8). The composition of the Council was agreed upon by party leaders in advance and not made public until the final vote, not taking into account suggestions of the FRENTECOM (2012).
 
26
Examples include Octavio Pieranti, who publishes academic texts on broadcasting regulation (Pieranti 2006, 2008) and served as the General Coordinator for Community Broadcasting from 2011 to 2012, or James Görgen, who was Executive Secretary of the FNDC and is currently consultant for the MiniCom. However, they are part of a strong ministerial hierarchy and thus have only marginal impact regarding political reforms (I052: 46).
 
27
As of May 2012, there were 4449 community radio stations officially registered by the MiniCom (2012). This number has risen, but the MiniCom was criticized even by the OAS for the slow process of licensing (Barbosa 2005). Estimates range from 8000 to 20,000 radio stations if those that transmit without a license are included (Jeronimo 2012; I049: 26).
 
28
While religious radios are not per se “non-communitarian” —a fact proven by many of the catholic radio stations—, evangelical and neo-Pentecostal radios promote exclusively (usually conservative and fundamental) Christian issues. Other engagements in society outside the narrow Christian community, particularly when it comes to conflictive issues, are considered distracting at best. Social organization and political activities thus get disarticulated: “Neo-Pentecostal churches are social disaggregators” (I060: 33, author’s translation).
 
29
Neither ABRAÇO nor the regulatory agency ANATEL keep (public) records of community radio stations. Numbers therefore vary widely. ABRAÇO officials referred to 3000, 4000 or 10,000 (José Sóter) affiliated radio stations, although in practice, many of them only exist on paper or at least are not (yet) on air.
 
30
At the time of writing in March 2013, there have been signs of a fragmentation of ABRAÇO. Sóter is openly alleged with charges for diverting public funds for community radios (Jeronimo 2012). ABRAÇO’s regional coordinator of the state of São Paulo, already in open dispute with Sóter for some time, together with other ABRAÇO activists particularly from the state of Santa Catalina, in early 2013 founded the new National Movement for Community Radios (Movimento Nacional das Rádios Comunitárias, MNRC).
 
31
Indeed, the media system is perceived by large sectors of society as a natural order. One activist observed: “Criticizing this system is thus understood as a radical critique of the system. It’s like demanding to abolish capitalism!” (I049: 14, author’s translation).
 
32
The communication movement can thus be considered another more recent example of the “NGO-ization” and professionalization of social movements in Brazil since the early 1990s (Costa 2008: 130).
 
33
A group of seven individuals from within and outside the FNDC formulated the “20 Points to Democratize Communication in Brazil” as a foundation for the campaign efforts of the Platform and the FNDC (Plataforma 2011). These individuals were Celso Schröder (FENAJ), João Brant (Intervozes), João Malerba (Amarc Brasil), Roseli Goffman (CFP), Orlando Guilhon (public broadcasters ARPUB), Cláudia Abreu (Campaign against vulgarity in TV), Marcos Dantas (academic from the university UFRJ) (I052: 27; I058: 26). The Platform’s work was adopted by the FNDC, who considers the 20 points as a condensation of its own demands (FNDC 2011: 1ff, 14).
 
34
Data from 1998 and 2000 revealed that out of a total of 3315 TV and radio licenses investigated, 343 belonged directly to politicians (including congresspersons, prefects and governors), not accounting for those run in the name of family members or figureheads. None of these politicians belonged to the Worker’s Party PT, while the PFL (37.5 %) and the PMDB (17.5 %) combine the lion’s share (Bayma 2008: 243). Data from 2002 reaffirmed this impression and further showed that the percentage of politically controlled broadcasting stations rises to 31 % when considering the family relationships, rising further to 50 % in some federal states (Bayma 2008: 244; see also Liedtke 2007: 447).
 
35
Even activists of the Coalition for Democratization consider the diffusion of commercial media in rural context as an advance when compared to the alternative of “pre-capitalist, feudal” radio stations exclusively at the service of a local “coronel” (I055: 19).
 
36
A similar example of ignoring the work of participatory commissions was the Advisory Committee of the SBTVD which discussed the standard of digital broadcasting. It was marginalized by Minister Hélio Costa who opted, against the recommendations of the Committee, for the Japanese model (De Lima 2011: 54f; I077: 012).
 
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Metadata
Title
Brazil: Much Debate About No Reform
Author
Christof Mauersberger
Copyright Year
2016
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-21278-4_5