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2018 | OriginalPaper | Chapter

10. Cash, Wages, and the Economy of Makeshifts in England, 1650–1800

Authors : Craig Muldrew, Steven King

Published in: Seven Centuries of Unreal Wages

Publisher: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

This chapter, which was originally published in 2003, was one of the first attempts to contextualise wages by examining how they might actually have been measured and paid. The issue of liquidity had a tremendous effect on the way exchange was structured in England. During the period under discussion here, the number of gold, silver, or copper coins in circulation was limited and never enough to fully pay the value of cash wages from week to week. As a result, the form and meaning of the wage was affected by the structure of credit networks and the illiquidity of monetary exchange within the economy. Within this context the chapter also examines the degree to which wages were embedded within households, poor relief, and the economy of makeshifts through multiple small sources of income.

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previous chapter Unreal Wages: Long-Run Living Standards and the ‘Golden Age’ of the Fifteenth Century

Michael Sonenscher, ‘Work and Wages in Paris in the Eighteenth Century’, in Maxine Berg, Pat Hudson and Michael Sonenscher (eds.), Manufacture in Town and Country Before the Industrial Revolution (Cambridge, 1984), p. 147.

L.D. Schwarz, ‘The Formation of the Wage: Some Problems’ in Peter Scholliers (ed.), Real Wages in Nineteenth and Twentieth Century Europe: Historical and Comparative Perspectives, (Oxford, 1989), pp. 21–39.

Peter Linebaugh, The London Hanged: Crime and Civil Society in the Eighteenth Century (London, 1991), pp. 371–401; Donald Woodward, Men at Work: Labourers and Building Craftsmen in the Towns of Northern England, 1450–1750, (Cambridge, 1995), ch.5.

Although in some places the wage might be the centrepiece of family welfare. A. Janssens, Family and social change: the household as a process in an industrializing community (Cambridge, 1993).

J. Innes, ‘The “mixed economy of welfare” in early modern England’ in M. Daunton, (ed), Charity, self-interest and welfare in the English past (London, 1996); T. Sokoll, ‘Old age in poverty: the record of Essex pauper letters 1780–1834’ in T. Hitchcock, P. King and P. Sharpe (eds), Chronicling poverty: The voices and strategies of the English poor 1640–1840 (Basingstoke, 1997), pp. 127–54.

This meant, in comparison to the Parisian artisans studied by Sonenscher, wage payments in England were more bound up with a contractual market economy. The right to the necessities of life provided by the natural law of self-preservation was supplied by access to credit rather than being bound up with a set of rights associated with specific trade organisations. Sonenscher, ‘Work and Wages’, p. 156.

Tim Stretton, ‘Women, custom and equity in the Court of Requests’, in Garthine Walker and Jenny Kermode (eds.), Women, crime and the courts in early modern England, (London, 1994), pp. 170–89; J.M. Neeson, Commoners: Common Right, Enclosure and Social Change in England, 1700–1820, (Cambridge, 1993), ch. 6.

OED xix, p. 803

Britnell, p. 113; Maurice Keen, English Society in the Late Middle Ages 1348–1500, (Harmondsworth, 1990), p. 137.

Ann Kussmaul, Servants in Husbandry in Early Modern England, (Cambridge, 1981), pp. 5–8.

John Locke, Two Treatises of Government, edited by Peter Laslett, (New York, 1963), II, chs.28, 85.

Peter Laslett, The world we have lost further explored, third ed., (London, 1983), p. 32.

John Law, Money and Trade Considered with a Proposal for Supplying the Nation with Money (Edinburgh, 1705), pp. 13–14, 98–99. Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, 2 vols., eds. R. H. Campbell and A. S. Skinner, (Oxford, 1976), I, ch.8.

Statutes of the Realm, I, p. 307.

Reference form Jane Whittle. Also, L. Botelho, Churchwardens’ accounts of Craftfield, 1640–1660 (Woodbridge, 1999).

G.E. Fussell, (ed.), Robert Loader’s Farm Accounts 1610–1620, Camden Society, 3rd ser., LIII (1936), i.e. pp. 100, 146,152, 154, 166; Farming and Account Books of Henry Best, Surtees Society, 33 (1857), p. 154.

Norfolk Record Office, KL/C39, 105–107.

There are over 250 probate accounts for labourers in the Hampshire Record Office, for instance.

Richard Britnell, The Commercialization of English Society 1000–1500, (Cambridge, 1993), pp. 29–47.

Ibid., pp. 47–8, 104–15, 113–5.

J.R. Wordie, ‘Deflationary factors in the Tudor Price Rise’, Past and Present, 154 (1997), pp. 49–61.

Craig Muldrew, The Economy of Obligation: the Culture of Credit and Social Relations in Early Modern England, (London, 1998), pp. 99–103.

Alan Macfarlane (ed.), The Diary of Ralph Josselin 1616–1683, (Oxford, 1976), pp. 102, 110–11, 115, 118, 188, 221.

Barry Supple, Commercial Crisis and Change in England 1600–1642 (Cambridge, 1959), pp. 14–8, 54, 85, 131, 166–7, 173ff.

Muldrew, Economy of Obligation, 102. D. W. Jones, War and Economy in the Age of William III and Marlborough (Oxford, 1988), pp. 15–6.

Sir John Craig, The Mint, A History of the London Mint from A.D. 287 to 1948, (Cambridge, 1953), pp. 219–22, 247–51, 253; A. E. Feavearyear, The Pound Sterling, A History of English Money, (Oxford, 1931), pp. 151–8, 169–72.

Craig, Mint, pp. 179, 220–21, 246, 250–51, 261–6; Feavearyear, Pound Sterling, 158–60, 169–70; J. R. S. Whiting, Trade Tokens; A Social and Economic History (Newton Abbot, 1971), pp. 22–3; Sir John Clapham, The Bank of England, I-II, (Cambridge, 1970), I, pp. 22, 39–40, 140–42,161–63; L.S Pressnell, County Banking in the Industrial Revolution, (Oxford, 1956), pp. 145–7.

On the shortage of cash in Yorkshire during this period see, John Styles, ‘“Our Traitorous Moneymakers”: The Yorkshire Coiners and the Law, 1760–83’, in John Brewer and John Styles, An Ungovernable People, The English and Their Law in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries, (New Brunswick, N.J., 1980), pp. 172–249; Craig, The Mint, p. 251. The population estimate is from E. A. Wrigley and R. S. Schofield, The Population History of England, (Cambridge, 1989), p. 533. A household multiplier of 4.75 was used.

Craig, The Mint, pp. 260–7.

Peter Mathias, ‘The People’s Money in the Eighteenth Century: the Royal Mint, Trade Tokens and the Economy’ in The Transformation of England, (London, 1979), pp. 197ff.

For a particularly good example of the practice of out-parish relief, see Rawtenstall Library (hereafter RL),’ The poor law accounts of Cowpe, Lemches and Newhallhey.’

There is an extensive literature on these issues. See B. Anderson, ‘Provincial aspects of the financial revolution in the eighteenth century’, Business History, 12 (1969), 1–22, L.S. Pressnell, Country banking in the Industrial Revolution (Oxford, 1956) and P. Hudson, The genesis of industrial capital: A study of the West Riding wool textile industry 1750–1850 (Cambridge, 1986).

Christopher Dyer, Standards of living in the Later Middle Ages: Social Change in England c.1200–1520, (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 213–14.

Alan Everitt, ‘Farm Labourers’ in Joan Thirsk (ed.), The Agrarian History of England and Wales 1500–1640, IV, (Cambridge, 1967), pp. 163–4; James Sharpe, Social History of Early Modern England, (London, 19,887), pp. 211–12.

Peter Laslett, The World We Have Lost Further Explored, third ed.,? (London, 1983), p. 36–7.

Peter H. Lindert and Jeffrey G. Williamson, ‘Revising England’s Social Tables 1688–1812’, Explorations in Economic History, 19 (1982), pp. 385–407.

Donald Woodward, ‘The Means of Payment and Hours of Work in Early Modern England’, in Carol S. Leonard and B.N. Mironov (eds.), Hours of Work and Means of Payment: The Evolution of Conventions in Pre-Industrial Europe, Proceedings of the Eleventh International Economic History Congress, (Milan, 1994), p. 17; Kussmaul, Servants in Husbandry, p. 40.

Fussell, (ed.), Loader’s Farm Accounts, pp. 72, 90, 107–8, 137.

Ibid., pp. 2–3, 20–21, 74.

Ibid., p. 90.

Farming and Account Books of Henry Best, p. 154. For other examples of masters keeping livestock for servants see Kussmaul, Servants in Husbandry, p. 39.

Memorandum Book of Richard Cholmeley of Brandsby, 1602–1623, North Yorkshire County Record Office Publications, 44 (1988), pp. 53, 66. He also forgave rent in lieu of wages., Ibid., p. 63.

Ibid., pp. 80, 84.

Ibid., pp. 76–7.

Ibid., p. 62.

Somerset Record Office, DD?DR 70 Part 1.

This can be seen in the wage book of the Somerset farmer Francis Hamilton from 1802, and in a number of farm accounts from eighteenth and early Ulster. Somerset Record Office, DD/FS 7/4; Vivienne Pollock, “Contract and Consumption: Labour Agreements and the Use of Money in Eighteenth-Century Rural Ulster’, Agricultural History Review, 43 (1995), pp. 19–34; M. Reed, ‘“Gnawing it Out”: A New Look at Economic Relations in Nineteenth-Century Rural England’, Rural History, I, (1990), pp. 83–4, 91.

Memorandum Book of Richard Cholmeley, p. 186.

Lancashire Record Office (hereafter LRO), DDX 115/91, ‘Memoranda book’ and DDPr 25/6, ‘Doctor’s account book’. The latter document is particularly interesting, testifying to a remarkable bartering economy in West Lancashire in which the doctor was paid in labour, cloth, beans, and so on for his services.

Woodward, Men at Work, pp. 142–59.

Craig Muldrew, ‘“Hard Food for Midas’: Cash and its Social Value in Early Modern England’, Past and Present, 170 (2001), pp. 78–120.

London Corporation Record Office, Mayor’s Court Equity Proceedings, Bils and Answers; 248E, Box 75.

J.M. Fewster, ‘The keelmen of Tyneside in the eighteenth century, Part I’, Durham University Journal, New Series, 19 (1957), p. 27.

Hutton, Court of Requests, pp. 30–1.

See RL, ‘Whitehead collection’.

On these issues see J. Smail, Merchants, markets and manufacturers: the English wool textile industry in the eighteenth century (London, 1999) and S.A. King, Poverty and welfare in England 1700–1850: a regional perspective (Manchester, 2000).

RL, RC 355, ‘Whitehead collection’.

George W. Hilton, The Truck System, Including a History of the British truck Acts, 1465–1960, (Cambridge, 1960). For the relationship of truck to shortages of cash, and worker’s credit see esp. pp. 47ff.

Locke, Some Considerations, p. 237. Both William Petty and John Law also claimed that the lack of cash in the economy was perhaps the major impediment to economic growth, as the amount of wages which could be paid limited the amount of work labourers would do. Petty, Treatise of Taxes and Contributions, repr. in Hull, Economic Writings, I, p. 36; Law, Money and Trade Considered, with a Proposal for Supplying the Nation with Money (Edinburgh, 1705), pp. 13–4, 17, 98–117.

Craig The Mint, p. 247; Peter Clark, British Clubs and Societies, 1580–1800: The Origins of an Associational World (Oxford, 2000), pp. 39–40, 129–30; Joan Thirsk and J.P. Cooper, Seventeenth-Century Economic Documents (Oxford, 1972), pp. 97–99; Leonard Schwartz, London in the Age of Industrialisation: Entrepreneurs, Labour Force and Living Conditions, 1700–1850. (Cambridge, 1993), pp. 117–21.

Lincoln’s Inn Library, Dudley Ryder’ Law Notes, 1754–56; Volume 12, pp. 17–18.

Hutton, Court of Requests, p. 24.

Ibid., p. 40.

Robert Latham and William Mathews, (eds.), The Diary of Samuel Pepys, I-X, (London, 1970–1983), VI, pp. 144, 149. ADD?

Nicholas Rodger, The Wooden World. Mariners were also often given goods being shipped in part payment for wages, as in the case of a sailor employed on a vessel shipping coal from Newcastle to King’s Lynn who was given coal to sell as part wages. Norfolk Record Office, KL/C25/18, 08/17/53.

For a discussion of litigation see below, p.?. George F. Steckley, ‘Litigious Mariners: Wage Cases in the Seventeenth-Century Admiralty Court’ Historical Journal, 42 (1999), pp. 315–345.

Paul Slack, Poverty and policy in Tudor and Stuart England (London, 1985), pp171–2; John Rule, Albion’s People: English Society 1714–1815 (London, 1992), p. 129.

On the words and lives of the poor, see the contributions to T.Hitchcock, P.King, and P.Sharpe (eds.), Chronicling poverty (Basingstoke, 1997).

RL, RC 352. Raw,‘The diary of David Whitehead’. A full transcript of this diary has been kindly donated to Oxford Brookes University library by the librarian at Rawstenstall. See also R.J. Soderlund, ‘Intended as a terror to the idle and the profligate: embezzlement and the origins of policing in the Yorkshire worsted industry 1750–1777’, Journal of Social History 31 (1998), 647–70.

Muldrew, Economy of Obligation, pp. 107–9.

For excellent material on this strategy see the narratives and vestry decision contained in LRO DDX 325, ‘Garstang vestry minutes’.

M. Anderson, Family structure in nineteenth century Lancashire (Cambridge, 1972).

S.A. King, ‘Dying with style’.

See LRO DDIn/45/14, ‘Report on the town cottages of Birkdale, 1815’ and LRO DDIn/46/36, ‘Lease, 1816’.

For the most recent survey, see H. Cunningham and J. Innes (eds), Charity, philanthropy and reform from the 1690s to 1850 (Basingstoke, 1998).

In the larger urban areas and distant rural counties such as Westmorland and Cumberland, charitable resources continued to grow strongly. In the Westmorland communities of Undermilkbeck and Applethwaite, for instance, Thomas Dixon left 20s per annum to the poor in 1730, James Sattherwaite left the interest on £100 to the poor in 1785, and Margaret Williams left the interest on £67 to the poor in 1789. If we combine these with existing historical legacies, we can see that the capital for these two townships amounted to over £1500 by the later eighteenth century. At 5% interest, this would eclipse the formal poor relief bill for the townships at this date. See S.A. King, Poverty.

Bible charities, clothing charities, bread charities, and funds devoted to religious or educational purposes offered little immediate aid for cyclical poverty. D. Andrew, Philanthropy and police: London charity in the eighteenth century (New Jersey, 1989).

This dole book is reproduced in A. Gilson, Halifax past and present (Halifax, 1892). The tendency to donate to irregular collections for the poor can be seen in most other northwestern communities of all sizes. See, for instance, Cumbria Record Office (CRO), WD/D/D6/68, ‘Donations to the poor in Foulshaw’.

See CRO WD/Ry/37/1, ‘List of charitable gifts’, CRO WD/Ry/18/81, ‘Receipts and disbursements left by Jno Flemming 1664’, CRO WPR/62/W1 and W2, ‘Overseer accounts’, and CRO Wd/Te/24, ‘Poor law accounts’.

S. Horrell and J. Humphries, ‘Old questions, new data and alternative perspectives: families’ living standards in the industrial revolution’ Journal of Economic History 52 (1992), 849–80, and J. Humphries, ‘Enclosure, common rights and women: the proletarianisation of families in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries’ Journal of Economic History 50 (1990), 117–42. Also P. King, ‘Customary right and women’s earnings: the importance of gleaning to the rural labouring poor 1750–1850’ Economic History Review 44 (1991).

See Yorkshire Archaeological Society (hereafter YAS) DD11/11/38, ‘Enclosure data’ and YAS DD12/I/11/15–29, ‘Depositions’.

See P. Lane, ‘Work on the margins: poor women and the informal economy of eighteenth and early nineteenth century Leicestershire’, Midland History, 22 (1997), pp. 85–99.

For a good example, see S. Peyton, Kettering vestry minutes, 1797–1853 (Northampton, 1933).

See King, Poverty.

The accounts are in private hands. A photocopy can be consulted at Oxford Brookes University library.

LRO DDX 325, ‘Garstang vestry minutes.’

For good examples, see LRO DDIn/63/37, ‘Accounts of Birkdale township’,

LRO DDHe/83/84, ‘Cottage and loom rents’. In 1820, the overseers spent £16 hiring looms for 27 people. It is also perhaps important to note that the poor law here had incurred considerable debts to the local manufacturers as a result of overspending and the borrowing to cover this extra expenditure.

5+6 Edward VI Chap. 14; The Assize of Bread, (London, 1636).

Bristol Record Office, Z33, 04413, 04753, 04414.

Ibid., Z33 04754. The court records do not list the nature of every suit. In a sample of 257 cases from the King’s Lynn Guildhall Court from 1652–54 only four concerned wages. Norfolk Record Office, KL/C25/17–18.

Almost 50 years later in 1739 there were only four cases dealing with wages compared to over 40 for goods sold. Ibid., Z33 14,413.

Margo Finn, ‘Debt and Credit in Bath’s Court of Requests’, Urban History, 21, (1994), pp. 220–22.

J. Lawson, Letters to the young on progress in Pudsey (Chichester, 1972 reprint).

G.R. Rubin, ‘The County Courts and the Tally Trade, 1846–1914’, in G.R. Rubin and David Sugarman (eds.), Law, Economy and Society 1750–1914; Essays in the History of English Law, (Abingdon, 1984), p. 342.

Lincoln’s Inn Library, Dudley Ryder’ Law Notes, 1754–56: Volume 13, pp. 17–19; Hutton, Court of Requests, p. 52.

Hutton, p. 52.

John Locke, Some Considerations of the Consequences of the Lowering of Interest, and the Raising the Value of Money (London, 1691), repr. in Patrick Hyde Kelly (ed.), Locke on Money, 2 vols., (Oxford, 1991), I, pp. 236–7. Also see, Charles Davenant, ‘A memorial concerning creditt and the means and methods by which it may be restored’, (1696), printed in G. Heberton Evans Jr. (ed.), Two manuscripts by Charles Davenant, (Baltimore, 1943)’, pp. 72, 97, 102; William Petty, A Treatise of Taxes and Contributions, repr. in Charles H. Hull (ed.), The economic writings of Sir William Petty, I, (Cambridge, 1899), pp. 34–6.

England’s great happiness, or a dialogue between Content and Complaint, (London, 1677), reprinted in J.P. McCulloch, A select collection of early English tracts on commerce, (Cambridge, 1954), p. 18.

100

Hutton, Court of Requests, p. 47.

101

For an estimate of the amount of desperate debts which might have had to have been forgiven, see Muldrew, Economy of Obligation, pp. 177–80, 304–7.

102

Hutton, Court of Requests, p. 42.

103

Richard Gough, The history of Myddle, ed. by D. Hey, (Harmondsworth, 1981), 101, 145, 316.

104

M.W. Flinn (ed.), The Law Book of the Crowley Ironworks Surtees Society, CLXVII (1952), pp.xix, xxv–xxvi.

105

Ibid., pp. 133–39.

106

Ibid., pp. 66, 71, 128, 139–42.

107

Ibid., pp. 50–56.

108

Ibid., pp. 154ff.

109

Linebaugh, London Hanged, 371–401.

110

For an excellent discussion of the problems this entailed at a bureaucratic level, see Roger Davidson, Whitehall and the Labour Problem in Late-Victorian and Edwardian Britain (London, 1985), Chaps. 4–6.

‘The poor law accounts of Cowpe, Lemches and Newhallhey; RC 352.Raw,‘The diary of David Whitehead’; RC 355, ‘Whitehead collection’

Bristol Record Office

Cumbria Record Office

DD.DR 70 Part 1; DD/FS 7/4;

DD11/11/38,YAS DD12/I/11/15–29

DDHe/83/84; DDIn/45/14, DDIn/46/36, DDIn/63/37; DDPr 25/6; DDX 115/91; 325

Dudley Ryder’ Law Notes, 1754–56

KL/C25/17–18, 08/17/53; KL/C39, 105–107.

Lancashire Record Office

Lincoln’s Inn Library

London Corporation Record Office

Mayor’s Court Equity Proceedings, Bills and Answers; 248E, Box 75.

Norfolk Record Office

Rawtenstall Library

Somerset Record Office

WD/D/D6/68: WD/Ry/37/1; D/Ry/18/81: WPR/62/W1 and W2; Wd/Te/24.

Yorkshire Archaeological Society

Z33/ 04413, 04753, 04414, 04754.

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Title: Cash, Wages, and the Economy of Makeshifts in England, 1650–1800
Authors: Craig Muldrew
Steven King
Publisher: Springer International Publishing
Book: Seven Centuries of Unreal Wages
Print ISBN: 978-3-319-96961-9

Electronic ISBN: 978-3-319-96962-6

Copyright Year: 2018
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96962-6_10