Chasing Coffee: A New Research Agenda in Turkey

We use Turkey to designate not the strict boundaries of the nation state today, but the wider region, especially when we discuss historical studies on the Ottoman Empire.

In addition to these reasons we also believe Turkey presents a particularly interesting case as it has witnessed the three stages of changing coffee consumption patterns in a very short time frame. Referring to changing patterns of consumption in three stages is a rather new characterization and are roughly categorized as (1) the mass marketization of coffee (in the form of low quality coffee packaged and sold in bulk), (2) the differentiation of coffee taste and the emergence of pleasure as a goal (in the form of alternative brewing techniques and the introduction of espresso bars), (3) the wine-ification of coffee (in the form of rising interest in the craftsmanship of coffee making and consumption). For a brief discussion, see, (McIntyre 2017).

We prefer saying largely absent as there are no studies addressing the economics of coffee trade directly, however various studies make passing comments on the rising role of commercial value of coffee trade as an instrument of livelihood which caused to the softening of Ottoman Empire’s stance vis-à-vis coffee trade, traders, and consumers. See, (Gregoire and Georgeon 1999).

Discussions on the nexus of coffee and the politics of public sphere continued to exist in studies on the early Republican period, partially because of its declining yet continuing significance in political-public life. For some examples, see, (Deniş 2011; Öztürk 2006; Safi 2018).

Korkman’s creative work focuses on not coffee but fortune-telling, a popular practice highly gendered and commodified with the rise of coffee in the early 2000s. Relying on Comaroff and Comaroff’s work on the commodification of occult (Comaroff and Comaroff 1999), she discusses the contorus and contradictions of secularist cultural politics in Turkey. For another study on fortune-telling as a folkloric element and outside the coffee shops see (Büyükokutan 2012).

Starbucks may have entered the Turkish market later than many other European countries, yet its penetration has been much deeper as has its socio-cultural impact been transformative. According to Statista database, as of January 2019, with 470 locations Turkey is second to the UK (1030 locations) in Europe. Turkey may be a distant second but her second place is secured as the third on the list, France, only has 175 locations. More strikingly, Starbucks’ expansion in Turkey has not come to a peak point as it continues to expand in the Turkish market.

Caki and Kiziltepe’s work is an exception to this: (Çakı and Kızıltepe 2017).

Ironically, Kaptan’s, a Turkish scholar, analysis of Starbucks as a three-in-one location (coffee shop/workplace, a store and a museum) relies on Lefebvre’s theory of space but does not discuss Turkey. See, (Kaptan 2013).

Alemdaroğlu in particular discusses the rise of shopping malls as a sign and symbol of spatial segregation vis-à-vis other spatial developments. See, (Alemdaroğlu 2017)

Gayrimenkul ve Gayrimenkul Yatırım Ortaklığı Derneği.

We differentiate three types of coffee houses: (1) transnational chains like Starbucks, Gloria Jeans, Caffe Nero and Caribou, (2) domestic chains like Kahve Dünyası, Osmanlı Kahvecisi and Café Crown (Yıldız Holding’s failed coffee chain initiative), and (3) locally and/or individually owned mom and pop shops.

A short list may include the sudden growth of Görükle neighborhood nearby Bursa Uludağ University from a small village in the early 2000s to its unofficial population today of 80.000 reached in 2019. Similarly, the formation of Altınşehir district from scratch nearby Adıyaman University (founded in 2006) to a city of its own with an approximate population of 10.000 residents presents another example.

We are currently conducting a research on this very subject problematizing the work experiences of college students at coffee shops and scrutinize the dynamics of the phenomenon of student-workers.

There are no regional minimum wage policies in Turkey, and AVMs are more regulated than traditional marketplaces and mom and pop coffee shops.

Gamze Yücesan-Özdemir’s work may be cited as one of the main exceptions even though such comparison is not its main goal. In this book, Yücesan-Özdemir compares employment practices and work experiences in call centers, another sub-sector eager to employ college students, across seven cities. Two of these cities are major ones while the remaining five are medium sized and/or small cities. Yücesan-Özdemir’s qualitative work paints the differences of experience of and expectations from call center jobs in changing urban contexts. See, (Yücesan-Özdemir 2014)

We are in the process of designing a research project on masculinities associated with the third wave coffee consumption in Turkey.

According to this report, 46% of consumers in Turkey care about companies complying with ethical rules, and 36% purchase ethically appropriate goods. See, (Speed 2019, 40)

Fair trade in coffee is a higly popular topic in the world. For some examples, see, (Bacon 2010; Fridell 2007; Lyon 2008; Macdonald 2007; Sick 2008; Terstappen et al. 2013).