1 Introduction
Most of the psychological research on personality focused its attention on the processes happening within the individual without deeply considering the influence of physical, climatic, political, economic, or cultural conditions to which the individual is mostly exposed (Oishi,
2014; Park & Peterson,
2010; Rentfrow,
2020). Two recent approaches that try to fill this gap are socioecological and geographical psychology, which aim to understand how individuals and social ecologies define each other (Oishi,
2014; Rentfrow,
2020). One of their hypotheses is that characteristics of the cultural or natural environment (e.g., economic conditions, inequality, hot climate) may favor particular psychological states and consequently give rise to the establishment and maintenance of a specific form of social ecology (i.e., a natural and social habitat) that will characterize the inhabitants of a specific place, city, or country. In these kinds of association studies, the goal is to illuminate the relationship between social ecology and a certain cognition, behavior, or emotion (Oishi,
2014; Rentfrow,
2020).
One environmental factor that may shape people’s thoughts, behaviors, and feelings is economic inequality, broadly defined as the unequal distribution of income and economic means between different groups in society. Economic inequality is here relevant since it is increasing globally (Coffey et al.,
2020) and has recently reached its peak since 1950 (Chancel et al.,
2021). The impact of economic inequality on well-being has been largely studied at both correlational (Wilkinson & Pickett,
2017) and experimental (Oishi et al.,
2011; Roth et al.,
2017) levels, and research consistently demonstrated a link between economic inequality and decreased individual (Vogli et al.,
2014; Wilkinson & Pickett,
2017) and societal (Sánchez-Rodríguez et al.,
2019b; Wilkinson & Pickett,
2017) well-being. Despite this, there are some relevant differences between the effects of economic inequality on individuals and societies, with literature concerning individual-level self-reported well-being being mixed, and providing evidence of negative, positive, or null effects (Kelley & Evans,
2017; Ngamaba et al.,
2018; Sommet & Elliot,
2022), while literature concerning societal outcomes (e.g. competition, lack of social cohesion), being more stable on the positive pole (Jetten et al.,
2021; Peters & Jetten,
2023).
While the literature exploring the link between economic inequality and well-being is extensive, less attention has been paid to the relationship between economic inequality and individual personality traits. Findings show that economic inequality predicts cross-cultural differences in biased self-perception of 80 personality traits and values (also known as self-enhancement, or to see oneself as better than the average person) over individualism/collectivism dimensions (Loughnan et al.,
2011). In other words, the more unequal a country is, the more individuals tend to perceive themselves as superiors to others, competing more (for scarce resources) and being less willing to engage in prosocial behaviors (Kirkland et al.,
2021). This may result in a decrease in social cohesion (Wilkinson & Pickett,
2017). Congruently, de Vries and collaborators (
2011) found that across U.S. states, income inequality was associated with lower agreeableness, even after accounting for socioeconomic factors such as sex, education, urbanization, or income. The authors suggest that economic inequality leads individuals to become more self-focused, less friendly, and less altruistic by eroding social cohesion and accentuating social hierarchy. This is also in line with a recent theoretical framework proposed by Sánchez-Rodríguez et al. (
2023, the EINIM, Economic Inequality as Normative Information Model), which conceives inequality as a cue that people use to infer the normative climate of a given society, which, in turn, regulates people emotions and behaviors. Specifically, in more unequal countries people perceive that the normative climate is individualistic and competitive (Sánchez-Rodríguez et al.,
2019) prompting the distinctions between socio-economic classes (Kraus et al.,
2017) and heightening people’s desire for wealth and status while decreasing the sense of a shared identity (Jetten et al.,
2021; Tanjitpiyanond et al.,
2022). Moreover, the enhanced distinctions between socio-economic classes prompted by inequality (Kraus et al.,
2017), increase social comparison and that may push people to compete for social superiority and be more likely to engage in self-enhancement strategies to gain an advantage over others (Melita et al.,
2021; Sánchez-Rodríguez et al.,
2019b).
However, personality is not easily malleable and may not be the best psychological characteristic to be studied in this case. On the contrary, character strengths are 24 positive personality traits (see Table
1 for an overview) that may be more easily affected by cultural and environmental features to which individuals are exposed throughout their lives, as they are malleable, morally valued, and socially desirable (Park & Peterson,
2010; Peterson & Seligman,
2004). More precisely, research suggests that character strengths can be considered a subset of personality traits that specifically concern “goodness” and moral behavior (McGrath et al.,
2020). Indeed, they are morally valued per se, even in the absence of tangible positive outcomes (Stahlmann & Ruch,
2020); therefore, they are culturally and socially encouraged, and possibly shaped by specific factors, such as economic inequality, that precisely influence moral behavior and prosociality (Kirkland et al.,
2021; Wilkinson & Pickett,
2017). Importantly, the VIA framework arose from an extensive philosophical and historical investigations of what constitutes a “good character” throughout different times and cultures around the world. In other words, character strengths were identified as positively valued moral qualities across different countries, and – as showed by McGrath study on VIA measurement invariance (2015) – the VIA assessment is transculturally valid and “there is remarkable consistency in the self-description of character strengths across nations” (McGrath,
2015, p. 51). Character strengths are therefore particularly apt to study cross-cultural phenomena.
Table 1
Character strengths classification. Adapted from Peterson and Seligman (
2004, pp. 29–30)
Wisdom: Acquire and use knowledge | Creativity [Originality, ingenuity] Curiosity [Interest, novelty seeking, openness to experience] Judgment [Open-mindedness, critical thinking] Love of learning [Systematically adding knowledge] Perspective [Wisdom] |
Courage: Pursue goals despite adversity | Bravery [Valor, assertiveness] Perseverance [Persistence, industriousness] Honesty [Authenticity, integrity] Zest [Vitality, enthusiasm, vigor, energy] |
Humanity: Care for other people | Love [Closeness, intimacy] Kindness [Generosity, nurturance, care, compassion] Social intelligence [Emotional intelligence] |
Justice: Care for the community | Teamwork [Citizenship, social responsibility, loyalty] Fairness [Equity, impartiality] Leadership [Guidance, supervision] |
Temperance: Resist excess | Forgiveness [Mercy] Humility [Modesty] Prudence [Cautiousness] Self-regulation [Self-control] |
Transcendence: Connect with purpose | Appreciation of beauty and excellence [Awe, wonder] Gratitude [Thankfulness] Hope [Optimism, future-mindedness, future orientation] Humor [Playfulness] Spirituality [Religiousness, faith, purpose] |
To our knowledge, only one study (Park & Peterson,
2010) investigated in depth the geographical variation of character strengths, although only at the city level and not considering inequality. The authors drew a distinction between strengths of the “head” (intellectual and self-directed strengths such as curiosity and creativity) and strengths of the “heart” (emotional and other-directed strengths such as gratitude and love) and found that strengths of the head were more endorsed in more innovative (e.g., more colleges, universities, and technological factories) and liberal U.S. cities, while strengths of the heart were more common in less innovative and more conservative ones. More specifically, “head” cities were characterized by a focus on individual achievement, affluence, education, and change, while “heart” cities were more directed on valuing the emotional bonds among people as what makes life meaningful. In line with these results, economic inequality could be positively related to self-focused strengths, while negatively associated with other-directed strengths, as indirectly suggested by the studies linking economic inequality to the perception of an individualistic and competitive normative climate (Sánchez-Rodríguez et al.,
2019; Sánchez-Rodríguez et al.,
2019a,
b).
Furthermore, Niemiec (
2020) suggested that character strengths help individuals thrive under adversity, making them less prone to negative effects, more able to reinterpret adversity in a positive way, and recover from it. In this sense, under conditions of high economic inequality, individuals may resiliently develop their individual character strengths to face the highly competitive environment, similarly to what happened after traumatic events during which character strengths increased and/or predicted better adjustment (Casali et al.,
2022; Gander & Wagner,
2022; Peterson et al.,
2008). Alternatively, and similarly to the case of agreeableness (de Vries et al.,
2011) economic inequality could undermine character strengths, by creating an individualistic, competitive environment (Sánchez-Rodríguez et al.,
2023) where people learn to disregard morally-relevant qualities that also contribute to societal well-being.
1.1 Rationale and Hypotheses
Character strengths are malleable and morally valuable, and, more than personality traits (e.g., the big five), might be great candidates to study the effects of inequality on individuals’ characteristics. Interestingly, different competing hypotheses may arise from the literature to answer this question, which has never been directly investigated.
To this aim, we tested the association between character strengths levels and economic inequality across 68 different countries from all over the globe. We also controlled for other possible intervening factors, such as Gross National Income per capita (GNI), national education, and life expectancy, as summarized by the Human Development Index (HDI) of each country (Cifuentes et al.,
2008), population density, urbanization, and climate (average temperature). In terms of countries considered, this is the largest analysis on the topic (i.e., personality traits included) at the time of writing.
Building on the assumption of geographical and ecological psychology (Rentfrow,
2020), on the evidence that personality and character regional differences exist (Götz et al.,
2020; Park & Peterson,
2010), on literature suggesting that economic inequality triggers the perception of a competitive normative climate (Sánchez-Rodríguez et al.,
2023), and on the few studies on the personality-economic inequality link (de Vries et al.,
2011), we formulated three sets of concurrent hypotheses:
4 Discussion and Conclusions
Individuals think, behave, and feel according to biological, genetic, cultural, cognitive, and personality factors. Despite this, most of the psychological research on personality and character left out the role of contextual and environmental factors in shaping one’s general thoughts, behaviors, and feelings (Oishi,
2014; Rentfrow,
2020), or, in other words, people’s personality. Economic inequality is a structural aspect of the environment that is receiving more and more attention, mainly due to its consequences for justice and well-being (Peters & Jetten,
2023; Wilkinson & Pickett,
2017). Here we suggest that economic inequality might affect our personality and/or perception of ourselves. Few studies tested the association between inequality and personality (de Vries et al.,
2011; Loughnan et al.,
2011) and their results are mixed and generally relied on a small number of countries or USA regions only, thus requesting further and larger samples to provide more robust and generalizable findings. In addition, previous studies usually focused on classic personality traits and not on character strengths. Strengths, being conceived as positive morally valued personality traits, are more malleable and are particularly important in difficult situations, such as living in highly unequal contexts (Melita et al.,
2021; Sánchez-Rodríguez et al.,
2019b). Indeed, character strengths support individuals to thrive in adverse situations (Niemiec,
2020), possibly helping their adjustment to the situation or developing personal qualities (e.g., character strengths) to face the difficulties encountered. For these reasons, our work might enhance the understanding of the effects of economic inequality on key aspects of human character and consequently on the way we think, behave, and feel in a “good” way.
Building on previous literature linking economic inequality with the perception of a competitive normative climate (e.g., Sánchez-Rodríguez et al.,
2023), we initially considered three plausible alternative hypotheses: A positive link between inequality and character strengths (H1), a negative link between the two (H2), or a mix of positive and negative links between them (H3). Through a set of meta-regressions associating inequality with the 24 character strengths across 68 countries, we found a strong and consistent positive effect of economic inequality on almost all the character strengths, except for curiosity and love of learning and supporting the idea that character strengths share common variance between them (Feraco et al.,
2023). This might indicate that people living in more unequal countries report higher levels of character strengths, supporting H1. In general, the effect was large in magnitude, explaining an average of 34% (median = 37%) of the between-countries variance in character strengths and was consistent across different analyses. In fact, a sensitivity analysis using a leave-one-out (country) procedure and another set of meta-regressions controlling for countries’ Human Development Index (i.e., HDI, which includes education, life expectancy, and GNI pro capita), population density, urbanization, and average temperature, still showed a statistically significant effect of inequality on 20 out of the 24 character strengths. Notably, while character strengths were consistently associated with inequality (i.e., the Gini index), their association with the other indices was smaller and rarely significant. This may highlight the specific role of economic inequality compared to other socioeconomic indices.
Such results support the hypothesis that people living in more unequal contexts perceive the context as more competitive and individualistic (Sánchez-Rodríguez et al.,
2023) and this may enhance their need to cope with this adverse situation and develop their best qualities (i.e., character strengths) to appear more desirable to others. Both using them to face difficulties and continuously trying to be more socially desirable could boost character strengths in the long run. In other words, the competitiveness prompted by inequality and the need for self-enhancement could drive people to modify their character. This is a novel and intriguing finding as it shows for the first time that a large-scale structural and environmental factor that poses challenges and difficulties to inhabitants might also induce people to strengthen their character.
The present study has various limitations. The most noteworthy is that the data may not be completely representative of the countries’ populations. In fact, McGrath (
2015) reports a high level of education and highlights that the participants are all interested or aware about character and virtues. This limitation allows us to extend our results to a smaller fraction of the population and future studies should try to reach more representative samples. We also couldn’t precisely test why we found a positive association between the Gini index and the level of character strengths. Future studies might try to answer this question by controlling for social desirability or self-enhancement to ensure that our results remain consistent after accounting for these possibly explanatory factors. It might also be that, after accounting for desirability, the association between character strengths and economic inequality reverse, in line with what has previously been found for agreeableness (de Vries et al.,
2011). Future studies might also be interested in understanding whether the well-known effect of character strengths on well-being and life satisfaction changes according to the country’s level of economic inequality because our data do not support the hypothesis that countries that theoretically have higher levels of well-being also show higher levels of character strengths. It would also be important to replicate our results with a more recent sample. In fact, the data used are from a decade ago, and inequality has recently been increasing in most Western countries (Coffey et al.,
2020). This calls for an update of the results; however, it could also provide the opportunity to test whether changes in economic inequality in the last ten years are associated with mean-level changes in individuals’ character strengths in the corresponding countries. A further limitation concerns the correlational nature of our study, that being cross-sectional cannot be used to infer causality between the variables studied, but neither are other studies on the topic (de Vries et al.,
2011). Future research may use different methods (experimental or longitudinal) to provide more accurate results of the link found but is still unknown how much inequality should change (within a country) to affect personal characteristic and, in case, how much we should wait to observe such personal change after inequality increases or decreases. Although we envision a causal link from economic inequality to character strengths, this does not exclude the possibility that the reverse causal direction could also be true.
As a conclusion, we would want to state that our findings should not be interpreted or used to support higher inequality and we do not think that economic inequality is a worthwhile opportunity for character development. However, we believe that our results suggest that contextual, environmental, and social factors matter – for the good or the bad – in shaping our character and more research should be focused on such cultural, environmental, and social aspects if we want to understand human personality, behavior, emotions, or thoughts.
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