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2023 | OriginalPaper | Chapter

5. Euro-renovations: Borderscape Discourses

Author : Benjamin Tallis

Published in: Identities, Borderscapes, Orders

Publisher: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

This chapter analyses and provides a typology of the second ‘related array’ of constituents of the CEE borderscape—‘discourses’. It shows how the EU and EU member states have produced a combined discourse of ‘Freedom, Justice and Security’, which is central to Schengen zone governance. The accession of the EU-8 to the EU and the Schengen zone showed a transitional discourse ‘from Hierarchy to Belonging’ while the development of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) and Eastern Partnership (EaP) rested simultaneously on discourses of ‘Shared Values and Interests’ and ‘Divergent Values and Interests’. Finally, the EU’s relations with its Eastern Neighbours and Partners, including Ukraine, were also characterised by securitizing discourses of ‘Threats and Fears’. The chapter highlights how these discourses enacted borderings and how these borderings impacted on identities and orders in CEE. The chapter also shows the often contradictory nature of these discourses, which juxtaposed integrative narratives with exclusionary tendencies. Overall, the chapter argues that the EU has layered negative, exclusionary discourses over the positive, inclusionary discourses that characterised its own historical achievements. In this way it failed to learn lessons from its own successes and created some of the conditions for the neighbourhood and migration crises. Yet this layering is shown to be shoddy work, of the kind familiar to Ukrainians under the name ‘Euro-Renovations’, and thus leaves open the possibility to transform these crises should the EU and its member states summon the political will and discursive ability to do so.

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Footnotes
1
The formal name of which was, for some time, the ‘Area of Freedom, Security and Justice’ (AFSJ) until this name was expanded to deal with other aspects of justice and home affairs policy and then dropped altogether.
 
3
Although this name was later dropped and references to it no longer appear on the EU’s websites as they did during the time of the research.
 
4
Kadan is an artist and specifically discussed his works ‘Corrections’ and ‘Superproposition​’ in this regard. The latter is a spoof advert promoting the benefits of hiring irregular workers.
 
5
This group is known as the ‘EU-8’ as even though Malta and Cyprus also joined the EU on that day they are not counted in this group as they are not post-communist states.
 
6
See, for example, British newspaper The Guardian’s 2004 EU enlargement special series—the links here are to the Czech (Traynor et al., 2004b) and Polish (Traynor et al., 2004a) sections and include translations of the phrase ‘Welcome to the family of European nations’.
 
7
Five states that were already EU members—Denmark, Italy, Portugal, Spain and the UK—and three members in waiting—Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary—signed the ‘Letter of the Eight’ on 30/01/2003. This was followed on 16/02/2003 by the ‘Vilnius Letter’, which was signed by five members in waiting—Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Slovakia and Slovenia—as well as two countries that would join the EU in 2007—Bulgaria and Romania.
 
8
The presence of large numbers of ‘Eastern Europeans’ was a consistent and controversial feature of UK migration discourse for the next decade (BBC News, 2008; Burrell, 2010; Maryniak, 2006; Mason, 2013; Meardi, 2007; Sherwood, 2014).
 
9
Svoboda was Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Czech Republic at the time of the conclusion of negotiations on EU membership (2002), the referendum that leant it popular approval (2003) and the actual accession (2004).
 
10
(See also Kurowska, 2014 for a nuanced discussion of Border Guards’ teaching and learning, and roles as tutors and pupils, in and through the EU and CEE.)
 
11
This approach echoes the classic Charter 77/Helsinki committee model of holding socialist regimes accountable for the agreements they signed up to on topics such as human rights.
 
12
Czechia’s position as a strong defender of free movement and Poland’s assertion of being a policy maker both came into question during and in the lead up to the EU’s migration crisis, as is further discussed in the Conclusion and the Epilogue—as are many of the points in this section.
 
13
This remark attracted allegations of treason and provoked serious internal political tension, which at the time seemed to be decisively resolved in Sikorski’s favour (Lucas, 2011). This new Polish ‘clout’ seemed to be apparent in Sikorski’s role in EU responses to the neighbourhood crisis yet, as discussed in the Conclusion and the Epilogue, similar tensions later arose in relation to the migration crisis, with a different outcome.
 
14
This is the association agreement that, after much delay, was ready to be signed at the 2013 Vilnius Eastern Partnership Summit and which Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych declined to sign at the last minute, provoking mass demonstrations on the streets of Kyiv and, eventually, the overthrow of the Yanukovych government.
 
15
Related to what Richard Youngs would later term ‘protective security’ (2021).
 
16
This critique culminated in the boycott of the Ukrainian part of the Euro 2012 football championship by EU and EU member state politicians and officials (e.g. Harding, 2012b; Walker, 2012).
 
17
When this was discussed further, several interviewees reflected more deeply on this distinction—as well as what it does—but others dismissed such concerns as being ‘too philosophical’ or ‘semantic’ and argued that this was simply a pragmatic differentiation that made their work easier.
 
18
Frontex’s Eastern Borders Risk Analysis Network—Belarus, Moldova, Ukraine and the Russian Federation.
 
19
For more on the problems with Risk Analysis see Chap. 6.
 
20
Elspeth Guild (Guild, 2009: 5) notes that the 2003 edition of Stanley Cohen’s classic ‘Folk Devils and Moral Panics’ makes specific reference to migrants.
 
21
BBC Panorama, Stadiums of Hatefirst broadcast 28/05/2012, ten days before the tournament kicked-off.
 
22
The documentary was condemned by people featured in it: Jonathan Ornstein, head of the Krakow Jewish Community Centre, was ‘furious’ to have been ‘exploited’ for a ‘sensationalist’ programme, and Polish anti-racism campaigner Jacek Purski called the programme ‘one-sided’, as did Polish MP Jon Godwin (who is black), while Ukrainian football journalist Yuri Bender, whose wife is of afro-Caribbean descent, criticised the selective reporting (Harding, 2012a; The Economist, 2012).
 
23
Euro-Renovation is translated from the Ukrainian and Russian word Евроремонт (Evroremont).
 
24
Anyone who has tried to rent an apartment in Ukraine or Russia will be familiar with this style. Nikita Kadan described Euro-renovations as being made of ‘Gypsum walls that you could put your elbow through by being expressive in conversation’—[UA-I-NGO-1].
 
25
Referring to the specially constructed ‘Potemkin villages’ constructed by Count Grigory Potemkin, supposedly to fool Empress Catherine the Great of Russia into thinking that the life of the Russian peasantry was distinctly better than it was, although more likely aimed at foreign dignitaries travelling with the Empress (Davies, 1997: 658).
 
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Metadata
Title
Euro-renovations: Borderscape Discourses
Author
Benjamin Tallis
Copyright Year
2023
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-23249-7_5