1 Introduction
Why does an individual take the personal and financial risks associated with setting up a new venture? Individuals decide to engage in entrepreneurial activity because of different (combinations of) start-up motivations. Generally, a distinction is made between positive factors that ‘pull’ and negative factors that ‘push’ people into entrepreneurship (Shapero and Sokol
1982; Gilad and Levine
1986). Examples of ‘pull’ motivations include the need for achievement, the desire to be independent, and opportunities for social development. ‘Push’ motivations may arise from (the risk of) unemployment, family pressure, and individuals’ general dissatisfaction with their current situation. In the present paper, we distinguish between two groups of individuals depending on their pull or push motivations for entrepreneurship.
First, by means of a univariate analysis, we compare the two groups on the basis of commonly investigated individual-level characteristics that determine entrepreneurial engagement (see Simoes et al.
2015, for an overview of these characteristics).
Second, using multinomial logit regressions, we investigate whether these characteristics drive entrepreneurial engagement differently for the two groups.
In the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor, Reynolds et al. (
2001) capture the distinction between pull and push motivations by introducing the concept of opportunity and necessity entrepreneurship. Although various measures of opportunity and necessity entrepreneurship exist, it is generally agreed upon that pull factors form the basis for opportunity entrepreneurs to set up a new venture, while necessity entrepreneurs are driven mainly by push motivations. Opportunity entrepreneurship reflects start-up efforts “to take advantage of a business opportunity”, whereas necessity entrepreneurship exists when there are “no better choices for work” (Reynolds et al.
2005, p. 217). Although opportunity entrepreneurs pursue a business opportunity for personal interest (often when they are still wage employed), entrepreneurship is often the best “but not necessarily the preferred option” for individuals who start out of necessity (Reynolds et al.
2001, p. 8).
The start-up motivation has consequences for the way in which a business is managed, for example, in terms of business aspirations (Hessels et al.
2008), the market entry strategy (Block et al.
2015a), and business performance. Specifically, necessity entrepreneurs are characterized by lower satisfaction levels (Block and Wagner
2010; Galbraith and Latham
1996; Block and Koellinger
2009; Kautonen and Palmroos
2010), lower returns to education (Fossen and Büttner
2013), inferior performance (Vivarelli
2013), and shorter spells in entrepreneurship (Block and Wagner
2010; Amit and Muller
1995; Vivarelli
2004) than opportunity entrepreneurs. Furthermore, a positive relationship between health status and opportunity entrepreneurship has been found, while such a relationship is absent for necessity entrepreneurship (Rietveld et al.
2016). At the macro level, opportunity and necessity entrepreneurs appear to have a differential impact on economic growth, job creation, and aspirations (Acs
2006; Wennekers et al.
2005; Wong et al.
2005; Hessels et al.
2008). Finally, in their study on the interplay between the business cycle and the entrepreneurship cycle Koellinger and Thurik (
2012) show that opportunity entrepreneurship leads the cycle by two years, while necessity entrepreneurship leads the cycle by only one year (see also Thurik
2014). While their explanation based upon ‘legitimation’ or ‘moral approval’ is somewhat speculative, there may be important policy implications given that start-up motives seem to interact differently with the cycle.
Earlier research has hinted at differences between opportunity and necessity entrepreneurs in terms of their socioeconomic characteristics, such as their level of education, relevant experience and age (Amit and Muller
1995; Block and Wagner
2010; Fossen and Büttner
2013). Moreover, the determinants of opportunity and necessity entrepreneurship may differ (Morales-Gualdrón and Roig
2005; Xavier-Oliveira et al.
2015). This has important implications for policy making because measures to stimulate necessity entrepreneurship do not necessarily benefit opportunity-driven entrepreneurs, and vice versa. For example, encouraging the unemployed to start a business will benefit necessity and not opportunity entrepreneurs (Bergmann and Sternberg
2007). In general, fragmented evidence has been generated in terms of potentially different characteristics and drivers of opportunity and necessity entrepreneurship. The present paper contributes to the current literature in two ways.
First, we attempt to find robust evidence of distinctive characteristics and drivers of opportunity and necessity entrepreneurs(hip) by drawing upon an international database covering more than 30 countries. While existing studies investigate opportunity and necessity motivations only at the national level, our approach allows us to control for cross-country heterogeneity.
Second, we extend the set of characteristics by taking into account not only an individual’s socioeconomic profile but also an individual’s personality and perceptions of entrepreneurial support. Personality and perceptions have not received much attention in this research domain. Personality is an important dimension because it influences the preference to become self-employed (Verheul et al.
2012) and self-employment entry and exit decisions (Caliendo et al.
2014). Perceptions of the entrepreneurial climate are also important factors at various stages of the entrepreneurial process (Grilo and Thurik
2008; Van der Zwan et al.
2010). Linkages between start-up motivation and personality may explain why opportunity entrepreneurs perform better than necessity entrepreneurs.
In the present study, we examine the differences between opportunity and necessity business owners in terms of their (1) socioeconomic characteristics, (2) personality, and (3) perceptions of barriers to entrepreneurship. A univariate analysis answers the questions of whether opportunity and necessity business owners have different profiles and which characteristics are more prevalent among these groups of business owners. Furthermore, we assess the extent to which the characteristics under study have a differential impact on opportunity and necessity business ownership. This analysis, based on multinomial logit regressions, allows an assessment of the factors that differently hinder or stimulate opportunity and necessity business ownership versus paid employment. We use 2009 survey data from the Flash Eurobarometer survey on entrepreneurship, consisting of almost 2000 business owners and approximately 7000 paid employees in Europe, Asia, and the United States. We use self-reports by individuals who indicated whether they started a business because of an opportunity or out of necessity. It is not uncommon to use self-reports in empirical work to capture the distinction between opportunity and necessity entrepreneurship (Tables 2–4 in Bosma
2013).
The remainder of the paper is structured as follows. In the next section, the concepts of opportunity and necessity entrepreneurship are discussed and compared to pull and push motivations. This section also elaborates on earlier findings on the differences between opportunity and necessity entrepreneurs. In Sect.
3, we introduce the data and methodology. The results of our analyses are shown in Sect.
4, and the paper ends with the conclusion.
5 Discussion and conclusion
Using survey data for 29 European countries, three Asian countries, and the United States, we investigate the differences between opportunity and necessity business owners. We distinguish among socioeconomic characteristics, personality, and perceptions of the entrepreneurial environment. We use self-reports to classify respondents into being driven by opportunity or necessity motives. In this concluding section, we highlight how our findings add to the current literature on opportunity and necessity entrepreneurship. We also discuss interesting directions for future research.
Our univariate analysis reveals that the profiles of opportunity and necessity business owners differ markedly in terms of their socioeconomic characteristics, personality, and perceptions. In addition, our multivariate analysis concludes that the two types of business owners differ concerning some of the factors that inspire or hinder their engagement in entrepreneurship. Our findings therefore add to the large literature on the individual-level determinants of entrepreneurship. Recently, meta-analyses have revealed the influences of individual-level factors on the probability of being an entrepreneur (Simoes et al.
2015; Walter and Heinrichs
2015). The present study finds that some of these factors are more important for a specific subgroup of individuals, that is, business owners who engage in entrepreneurship because they see an opportunity rather than out of necessity. Specifically, we find differences for gender, age, income, personality (proactiveness and optimism), and perceptions of the entrepreneurial environment (in terms of financial support). Necessity entrepreneurship is likely to be related to an individual’s dissatisfaction with his/her previous employment situation and is therefore different than the more voluntary character of opportunity entrepreneurship.
10 This means that some well-known individual-level determinants of entrepreneurship are less likely to be related to necessity-based than to opportunity-based entrepreneurship.
The first empirical contribution of the present paper postulated in the introduction is its cross-national character and the ability to control for cross-country heterogeneity. We know that there exists large variety across countries regarding the distribution of necessity business ownership. For example, our Asian subsample is characterized by a very low percentage of business owners who are motivated by opportunity (35%). This finding is in sharp contrast with the percentage of European business owners motivated by opportunity (63%). In the case of China, for example, this difference can be explained by the relatively late emergence of entrepreneurship, the unfavorable institutional framework, and low scores for the ‘doing business’ indicators (Yang and Li
2008; Ahlstrom and Ding
2014). Although entrepreneurship had an important role in the post-war economic recovery of Japan (Hawkins
1993), entrepreneurship rates are low, and entrepreneurial support systems are underdeveloped (Welsh et al.
2014). For our Asian sample, we find that education and risk-taking increase the probability of being an opportunity versus a necessity business owner (Sect.
4.3). This may be related to the fact that risk-taking propensity is particularly important in China and developing economies in general to overcome the underdeveloped institutional environment (Tan
2001; see also Brünjes and Diez (
2013) for such a finding in a Vietnamese sample). There have also been studies that refer to the high levels of education among entrepreneurs in transition economies (Estrin et al.
2006; Smallbone and Welter
2001).
The second contribution of the present study is the use of two groups of determinants of opportunity and necessity entrepreneurship that have not been investigated in earlier studies (in addition to the socioeconomic characteristics). The first group of determinants relates to the role of an individual’s personality in determining his/her entrepreneurial motivation. We find evidence of a more important role of personality for engaging in opportunity business ownership—in terms of proactiveness and optimism—than necessity business ownership. Perhaps surprisingly, risk attitudes do not play a differential role for opportunity and necessity business ownership. This result is in contrast with Block et al. (
2015b), but similar risk attitudes among opportunity and necessity entrepreneurs have been found in some earlier studies as well (Amit and Muller
1995; Tyszka et al.
2011; Fossen and Büttner
2013). Here, is it important to note that we use a single, unidimensional measure of risk attitude and that an additional analysis reveals that the influence of this variable is captured by other personality characteristics. That is, in the absence of the other personality aspects in our model, opportunity business owners appear to be more risk-taking than necessity business owners.
11 Future research could adopt a more extensive set of personality factors, including, for example, emotional stability, social boldness, dominance, and openness to change, to deepen the insight into personality differences between the two groups of entrepreneurs. It could also be relevant to study the implications of such personality differences, for example, for subsequent venture performance and survival for opportunity and necessity entrepreneurs. In terms of venture survival or exit from self-employment, it is worthwhile to distinguish between divergent exit paths (Rocha et al.
2015), such as involuntary and voluntary exits (Mueller and Stegmaier
2015; Van der Zwan and Hessels
2013). There is some evidence that necessity business owners are more likely to exit through failure (versus sell-off or transfer) than opportunity business owners (Van der Zwan and Hessels
2013).
The second group of determinants refers to one’s perceptions of institutional arrangements for start-up activity. We find that individuals who believe that it is difficult to start their own business due to a lack of available financial support are more likely to have necessity start-up motivations than opportunity motivations. Our multivariate analysis shows that this perception does not seem to discourage active involvement in entrepreneurial activity for necessity entrepreneurs but that it does for opportunity-motivated entrepreneurs. Future research may study whether other aspects of the entrepreneurial environment, such as the presence of public policy support for entrepreneurship, the legal infrastructure or the amount of technology transfer, are evaluated differently by opportunity and necessity business owners.
12
Another way in which our study adds to the current research on entrepreneurship relates to the role of education. While we find an important role of education in our Asian subsample, we do not find that education influences the probability of being an opportunity versus a necessity business owner for our total sample (and European sample). The different impact of education depending on the sample under investigation corroborates the inconsistent evidence for this variable found in earlier studies on necessity entrepreneurship. Although there is some research that finds higher education levels among opportunity business owners than necessity business owners, we do not find such a role of educational attainment, operationalized in terms of the number of years of schooling an individual has had (Block and Wagner,
2010). This finding may have important implications. If necessity entrepreneurs have similar levels of human capital to opportunity entrepreneurs, there is perhaps less ground for concerns that they will end up as mediocre entrepreneurs. This observation is also inspired by the positive relationship between education and post-entry performance that is found in some studies (Kolstad and Wiig
2015; Vivarelli
2013; Quatraro and Vivarelli
2015). Future research should investigate the human capital profiles of both groups of entrepreneurs. The result that opportunity and necessity business owners have similar levels of education raises the question of whether they differ in terms of more specific types of (entrepreneurship-related) human capital. There is evidence of the importance of such variables within the domain of opportunity and necessity entrepreneurship, making it a promising direction for future research. Studying firm performance, Baptista et al. (
2014), for example, find that various forms of experience positively influence survival among opportunity entrepreneurs but not among necessity entrepreneurs.
Our study corroborates earlier findings on the importance of income or wealth for start-up motivation (Stephan et al.
2015). Perceived household income has a pronounced positive relationship with the probability of being an opportunity versus a necessity business owner. While earlier research has shown that the availability of financial resources increases one’s probability to be engaged in business ownership in general (Simoes et al.
2015), we show that this holds true especially for opportunity-based business ownership. This finding could be related to the fact that some necessity business owners start their business to avoid or leave unemployment and, as a consequence, have fewer financial resources available than opportunity business owners. Higher income levels could also have implications for the performance of opportunity business owners, as investigated by, for example, Baptista et al. (
2014), Block and Wagner (
2010), Amit and Muller (
1995), and Vivarelli (
2004,
2013).
Research on latent entrepreneurship has revealed why people do not engage in entrepreneurship despite their revealed preference for an entrepreneurial career (Blanchflower et al.
2001; Grilo and Irigoyen
2006; Atasoy et al.
2013). We find that those who prefer having a business to being in paid employment are more likely to be opportunity than necessity business owners. This finding highlights the involuntary character of necessity business ownership in many cases. Furthermore, it corresponds with earlier research reporting lower satisfaction levels among necessity entrepreneurs than among opportunity entrepreneurs (Block and Wagner
2010) and research demonstrating the positive relationship between health and business ownership, which is found only for those who started a business out of opportunity (Rietveld et al.
2016). A promising research strand could be to investigate the health profiles of opportunity and necessity entrepreneurs in more detail, such as in terms of their physical and mental health characteristics.
From a policy perspective, given the observation that pull- and push-motivated entrepreneurs are different in terms of their profile and drivers, it can be argued that policies aimed at stimulating necessity-type entrepreneurs should not be similar to those stimulating opportunity-type entrepreneurs. For example, when policy measures promote preferences for self-employment, this will probably lead to an increase only in the amount of opportunity entrepreneurs and not in the amount of necessity entrepreneurs. We also find that the probability of being an opportunity business owner depends negatively on an individual’s perception of financial start-up support. From a policy point of view, this is important information as government policies could be targeted at modifying people’s perceptions of the entrepreneurial infrastructure (Verheul et al.
2012; Van Stel and Stunnenberg
2006).
Our study has a number of limitations. For example, our findings may be subject to self-report biases. Individuals may not recognize their true characteristics and motivations (Amit and Muller
1995) or may rely on the subjective interpretation of the present situation to assess their motivation at the time of start-up. We do not take into account such dynamic aspects—a necessity-based start-up may evolve into an attractive alternative over time—although it has been demonstrated that motivations are relatively stable over the course of running a business (Stephan et al.
2015). Individuals may also report goals that are socially desirable, i.e., people may prefer to say they started a business because they want to exploit a profit opportunity rather than to admit they had no other option. Moreover, one could argue that the distinction between pull and push motivations (or between opportunity and necessity entrepreneurship) is relatively crude or incomplete. Giacomin et al. (
2011) find that some individuals are driven neither by pull nor by push motivations. Therefore, there may be a third type of entrepreneurship: entrepreneurship as a hobby.