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2021 | OriginalPaper | Chapter

5. Foreign-Policy Schools of Thought and Debates in the IRI

Author : Ali Fathollah-Nejad

Published in: Iran in an Emerging New World Order

Publisher: Springer Singapore

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Abstract

By exploring the IRI’s foreign-policy schools of thought, this chapter will deal with “geostrategic discourses”, defined as ‘particular discursive speech acts about “national security”, and the “strategic interests” of the state’, and “geopolitical discourses”, defined as the ‘crafting and design of a particular spatial account of international affairs by institutions, and by practitioners of foreign policy’. Before doing so, Part A will first outline the specific framework of institutions relevant to foreign-policy decision-making in the IRI. Part B will then set the stage of our ensuing discussion by introducing the most important foreign-policy schools of thought in the IRI and their views on regional and global geopolitics, which expands on the analysis offered by Farhi and Lotfian. Part C will then delve into important foreign-policy debates and controversies of the 2000s, bringing the various schools into conversation with each other.

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Footnotes
1
Toal 2004: 98, Table 6.6.
 
2
Sadeghi-Boroujerdi 2014: 14–15.
 
3
Author’s interview with Sonboli.
 
4
Sadeghi-Boroujerdi 2014: 16.
 
5
See Rozen 2012.
 
6
See ibid.
 
7
Some argue that the Chairman of the Majlis National Security and Foreign Policy Committee acts as mouthpiece for the Supreme Leader.
 
8
See also Buchta 2000: 47–52.
 
9
Khajehpour et al. 2013.
 
10
Posch 2011d.
 
11
Sadeghi-Boroujerdi 2014: 47–48.
 
12
Barzegar 2010a: 184.
 
13
For the SNSC’s composition in the context of nuclear decision-making in the 2000s, see Entessar 2009a: 31–32. For its composition during the Rouhani administration, see Sadeghi-Boroujerdi 2014: 17–18.
 
14
Khalaji 2014: 44–46.
 
15
Ibid.: 49.
 
16
‘Zarif, “Supreme National Security Council is in charge of decision-making on nuclear issue”’ (in Persian), Etelaat, 10 September 2013; cited in Khalaji 2014: 50.
 
17
One key conclusion from these meetings was that a chief nuclear negotiator should be nominated, who would then also coordinate efforts with other sections in charge of political, technical and legal aspects (Rouhani 2012: 110). In fact, Rohani himself was appointed to assume this role and served as such between 6 October 2003 and 15 August 2005. For the role of the SNSC in national security and foreign policy decision-making, see ibid.: 83–89.
 
18
See Wehrey et al. 2009: ch. 4.
 
19
Throughout the “nuclear crisis”, the Parliament’s authority to ratify the Additional Protocol to the NPT or conversely opt out of the NPT itself has been consistently highlighted by Iranian officials and by parliamentarians alike as a way to put pressure on their negotiating counterparts.
 
20
See Seyfzadeh 2008.
 
21
Therme 2012: 4.
 
22
Therme 2012: 3.
 
23
Gerami 2014: ch. 2.
 
24
Tabnak, 6 August 2012; cited in Posch 2013a: 10.
 
25
Sonboli 2010b.
 
26
Therme 2012: 2.
 
27
Sonboli 2010b.
 
28
Author’s interview with Sonboli.
 
29
Half of its budget comes from the MFA.
 
30
Khajehpour et al. 2013: 14. See also Beehner 2006</CitationRef>.
 
31
Barzegar 2014: 89–93.
 
32
Posch 2013a: 14.
 
33
Farhi and Lotfian 2012.
 
34
On this, see Fearon 1998; Schultz 2001, 2005.
 
35
See, for example, Farhi and Lotfian 2013.
 
36
Haji-Yousefi 2010c: 3.
 
37
See Haji-Yousefi 2010c: 3–4.
 
38
Zarghani and Dabiri 2014.
 
39
See Lustick 1997.
 
40
See Gharayegh Zandi 2007.
 
41
Bangash 2014. Emphasis added.
 
42
See, for example, Vatanka 2011.
 
43
For their Quranic justifications, see Miri 2012 and Zand-Vaikili 2011 respectively.
 
44
Gharayegh Zandi 2007</CitationRef>: 70.
 
45
Ibid.: 88.
 
46
http://​www.​taqrib.​info/​english/​ [24/11/2014]. According to the website only eight issues of the Al-Taqrib journal were published, with the last one in April 2011. Yet, there is a Persian-language equivalent by the name of Andisheh-e Taqrib that is still in print: http://​taqrib.​journal.​taqrib.​info/​ [24/11/2014].
 
47
See, for example, Shirudi 2012.
 
48
For the latter, see Khusrawshahi 2011.
 
49
Bangash 2014.
 
50
Khamenei 2014b.
 
51
See Sariolghalam 2002.
 
52
Ibid.: Pt. 2, 47.
 
53
See Rostami-Povey 2010</CitationRef>.
 
54
On Turkey’s pan-Islamism, see, for example, Gözaydın 2013.
 
55
See, for example, Owens 1999: 62.
 
56
Mearsheimer (1995: 80fn4) himself states that ‘it is possible to apply the concept of a system more narrowly and use it to describe particular regions […]’.
 
57
Conventionally, since the 2000s, Iran, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Israel and the U.S. are considered as major powers in Southwest Asia (see, e.g. Sonboli 2009).
 
58
Waltz 1979: 126.
 
59
Toft 2005: 390.
 
60
Grieco 1988: 500.
 
61
Mearsheimer 2001: 34.
 
62
Ibid.: 35.
 
63
Ibid.: 21.
 
64
Mearsheimer 2002.
 
65
Mearsheimer 1994: 12.
 
66
Leverett and Mann Leverett 2010: 75. The notion of “Tehran-led camp” does not suggest that Tehran dictates its allies’ actions, but indicates the leverage it possesses towards them.
 
67
We can include here websites such as Tabnak, closely linked to Mohsen Rezaee, as well as think-tanks such as the Tabyin Center for Strategic Studies that sees itself as a venue for debate for the third generation of the “Islamic Revolution” (http://​tabyincenter.​ir/​).
 
68
For Abbasi (2010), even for the last 30 years, ‘the Western world has found itself in the weakest position vis-à-vis Iran […], and the Islamic Republic has found itself in the best position against Western hostilities’.
 
69
More recently, some, however, even see U.S. “soft power” in decline (see e.g. Moradi and Amanlo 2014).
 
71
Mowlana 2006.
 
72
Ibid.
 
73
Ibid.
 
74
See Mowlana and Mohammadi 2008: 119.
 
75
See Leverett and Mann Leverett 2013a.
 
76
See, for example, Hersh 2008, 2012.
 
77
See Sonboli 2009: pt. 1.
 
78
This aspect is highlighted in an open letter by a “concerned Iranian professor” in exile to the IRI leadership in late 2012; see Massarrat 2012b.
 
79
Nâ’ini 2012.
 
80
See Mowlana and Mohammadi 2008. For a critical view on different aspects of ‘the Mowlana phenomenon’ by sceptics of his appointment as presidential advisor, see Âshnâ 2008.
 
81
For example, Knowing America: Rise and Fall of an Empire (in Persian) (Karami 2011).
 
82
Press TV 2011.
 
83
ISNA, 17 December 2007; cited in MEMRI 2010.
 
84
Cited in Taheri 2009.
 
85
See the first issue at http://​www.​swar.​ir/​quarterly.​aspx?​qid=​36 [25/12/2014]. Officially named Imam Hossein Comprehensive University, it is affiliated with the IRGC, the Ministry of Science, Research and Technology as well as the Ministry of Defense and Armed Forces Logistics.
 
86
See Moradi 1999.
 
87
See Tahmâsebi-Pour 2011.
 
88
For an introduction on the definitions of various game-theory scenarios, see Spangler 2013.
 
89
In Abbasi’s view, after the faction that was “supported by the West” lost the 2009 presidential elections, the West opted for a Cold War on Iran (the proof of which is the U.S. opposition to the Iran nuclear deal facilitated by Turkey and Brazil), during which the IRI has deepened the three forms of its strategy of deterrence (bâzdârandegi), namely soft, semi-hard and hard. In this Cold War, the U.S. like other powers ‘is forced to officially recognize the reality of a powerful Iran and in future of an important global player’ (Abbasi 2010).
 
90
For an exposition, see Mohammadi (Manouchehr) 2008.
 
91
Sadeghi-Boroujerdi 2014: 48.
 
92
For an exposition of Offensive Realist thinking, see, for example, Mizân 2014 (published on Supreme Leader Khamenei’s website).
 
93
Paraphrased from his in-depth interview given to the Mehrnâmeh periodical (Vol. 3, No. 21, April–May 2012 / Ordibehesht 1391) to mark the publication of his memoir National Security and Nuclear Diplomacy (in Persian). The Paykan, an Iranian-made car, is notoriously known for its unreliability and sub-standard quality.
 
94
According to Roberto Toscano, former Italian Ambassador to Iran (2003–08), the CSR has become a bastion for foreign-policy realists in Iran, focussing on ‘the national interest with very little ideology’ (cited in Slavin 2013).
 
95
This is, for example, argued by Abbas Maleki (2010: 111), who served as Deputy Foreign Minister (1980–97) before heading IPIS (1989–97).
 
96
Mohammadi (Manouchehr) 2008: 17
 
97
http://​goo.​gl/​I1gWdP [26/12/2014]. The PCCI office publishes the monthly magazine Farhang-e Omoumi whose first issue in December 2010 helps situate it among the IRI’s extreme right-wing, as it prominently features an interview with Ayatollah Mesbah-Yazdi, another interview that alleges that the pro-reform magazine Mehrnâmeh serves as mouthpiece for the regime-change opposition, and other articles such as ‘Why and how does liberal imperialism conduct a coup d’état?’ and ‘Important points that someone resisting soft war ought to know’ (http://​pcci.​ir/​component/​content/​article?​id=​1036 [26/12/2014]).
 
98
‘Sa’idi: Sepâh dar entekhâbât dekhâlat nadâsht’ [Saeedi: The Sepah did not intervene in the elections], Tabnak, 27 October 2010 / 5 Âbân 1389.
 
99
Corrigan, Sean J. [U.S. Army Colonel] (2011) Exploitable Vulnerabilities of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, Carlisle, PA: U.S. Army War College (USAWC Civilian Research Project), p. 6, https://​apps.​dtic.​mil/​dtic/​tr/​fulltext/​u2/​a568444.​pdf; Taheri, Amir (2006) ‘The Frightening Truth of Why Iran Wants a Bomb’, The Telegraph, 16 April. See also [Hassan Abbasi: They call me the “Kissinger of Islam”], Aftabnews, 16 November 2010 / 25 Âbân 1389.
 
100
Speech at Karaj College, cited in ‘Iran Faces Hard Realities after the IAEA Vote’, EurasiaNet, 8 October 2005.
 
101
Author’s conversation with a prominent Iranian pundit at the sidelines of the July 2012 expert meeting in Beirut.
 
102
See Fars News 2014.
 
103
Sadeghi-Boroujerdi 2014: 13. See also Matin 2013a.
 
104
Abbasi and Mohammadi 2014.
 
105
See also Ghaffari 2014.
 
106
See Sadeghi-Boroujerdi 2014.
 
107
Khamenei 2008b. For an overview of his statements on “strategic depth” made between 2004 and 2014, see http://​farsi.​khamenei.​ir/​newspart-index?​tid=​1034 [05/12/2014].
 
108
See, for example, Lotfian 2010.
 
109
Di Rocco 2012; Taj 2012; Berman 2012.
 
110
See, for example, Pahlavi 2012; Humire and Berman 2014.
 
111
Di Rocco 2012: 15.
 
112
Cited in Vezârati 2009.
 
113
See Mohseni 2014.
 
114
Mowlana 2006.
 
115
Interview with Bagheri, originally published in Hamshahri, special issue, 19 March 2011; cited in Farhi and Lotfian 2012: 129–130. For a similar quote, see Bagheri cited in Khalaji 2014: 47–49.
 
116
Hadian and Hormozi 2011: 48–49.
 
117
Ibid.: 49.
 
118
See Parsi 2012a, 2012b; Fathollah-Nejad 2010: 33–36.
 
119
Takeyh 2009: 208.
 
120
Haji-Yousefi 2010b, c: 14–15.
 
121
Khalaji 2010. See also Ansari 2012: 278–282; Ahdiyyih 2008; Savyon and Mansharof 2007.
 
122
See Ansari 2012: 264–266.
 
123
See Haji-Yousefi 2010b.
 
124
Mohseni 2014.
 
125
Cited in Karami 2014.
 
126
Barzegar 2009b: 126–127.
 
127
Sariolghalam 2002.
 
128
See ibid.: pt. 2.
 
129
See Posch 2013a: 14; Sariolghalam 2002; interview with Walter Posch (Shargh 2014); Hadian 2004: 57–58.
 
130
Amirpur 2013: 20–21; Abrahamian 2008a: 65–66; Pear 1988.
 
131
See, for example, Abedin 2011.
 
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Metadata
Title
Foreign-Policy Schools of Thought and Debates in the IRI
Author
Ali Fathollah-Nejad
Copyright Year
2021
Publisher
Springer Singapore
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-6074-3_5

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