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Published in: Contemporary Islam 3/2019

15-09-2018

Fragmented realities: the ‘sectarianisation’ of space among Iraqi Shias in London

Author: Emanuelle Degli Esposti

Published in: Contemporary Islam | Issue 3/2019

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Abstract

How do the spaces we inhabit shape our lived experiences? And how do those lived experiences in turn come to shape and influence our political subjectivity? Such questions are rendered all the more important in studies of migrant or diaspora populations who, by definition, conduct their daily lives in spaces and places that were initially alien to them. The way in which migrants interact with the spaces around them can tell us much about the social, political, and religious engagements they invest in, as well as the very real way in which they experience their local milieu. Through a detailed study of Iraqi Shiis living in London, specifically in the north-western borough of Brent, this article will seek to trace the ways in which religious institutions have carved up the physical and social landscape of north-west London in ways that have enduring effect on the communities with which they engage. The increasing diversification of different religious establishments, I argue, has led to a fragmentation of the city-as-lived, in which the vast majority of practising Iraqi Shiis engage with only small isolated pockets of the urban environment on a daily basis. Moreover, the growing number of specifically Shia schools, charities, mosques, community centres and other such institutions has resulted in what I call a ‘sectarianisation’ of space in Brent, in which individuals hailing from different branches of Islam inhabit different spaces within the city despite often living within metres of each other. Drawing on a mixture of interviews, participant observation, and mapping techniques, I bring together theory and practice in order to sketch out the ways migrant lives can come to be localised in certain spaces, and what that can ultimately mean in terms of their political subjectivity and engagement.

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Footnotes
1
This sectarianisation forms part of a wider political economy of Shia religiosity in Europe in which competing regional and international powers (in particular Iraq and Iran) use financial and material resources to serve their own interests, often at the expense of ordinary practicing Shiis (whether in these countries or in diaspora), and ties in with theoretical insights provided through disciplines such as urban theory where the landscape of the city is understood as the physical embodiment of capitalist modes of production and consumption (Harvey 1989a, b, 2003; Schmid 2006; Sibley 2003). I have explored the implications of such a political economy of sectarianisation in my doctoral thesis and elsewhere (Degli Esposti 2018), and for reasons of space limitations it is not discussed in detail here; nevertheless, it represents an important avenue of inquiry and is ripe for further investigation.
 
2
Arguably, the ethno-religious carving up of space in London can also be seen as a product of British state multiculturalism and ethnonormativity (Aly 2015; Žižek 2005). However, such a policy-oriented analysis falls outside the scope of the current enquiry and as such is not developed further here.
 
3
These are speculative figures, as no reliable data of the number of Shia Muslims in the UK exists. For example, Addley (2003), quoting the 2001 Census, suggests that there may be as many as 400,000 Shia Muslims in the UK, the majority coming from Iraq and Iran.
 
4
It should be noted that as a result of the politics of the Iranian regime, and especially the fallout of the 1979 Islamic revolution, the majority of Iranians in Britain tend to be religiously secular and non-practicing, hence the dominance of Iraqis (Gholami 2016; Spellman-Poots 2012)
 
5
www.​arbaeenuk.​com/​directorylist, accessed 25 Sept 2016. According to my own fieldwork data, 11 of the 15 Shia religious institutions in north-west London were founded or run by Iraqis. This figure does not include secular or non-religious Iraqi-run establishments, such as the Iraqi Cultural Centre, Al-Muntada Institute, or the London headquarters of the Iraqi Communist Party (ICP).
 
6
For example, Saleh (2011) gives the total number of Iraqis in the UK as of 2005 as being between 282,000 and 350,000, while Al-Ali (2007) gives a lower estimate of 100,000, and the Iraqi Embassy estimates between 350,000 and 400,000. In a comprehensive mapping exercise conducted in 2007, the IOM suggests there are a total of 240,000 Iraqis in the UK, including 125,000 in London alone (IOM, 2007)
 
7
This includes Iraqi Fayli Kurds, who follow Twelver Shiism.
 
8
Following the critical tradition in diaspora and migration studies (Brah 1996; Brubaker 2005; Hall 1990; Ong 2003; Raman 2003; Venn 2009; Werbner 2000; among others), I am using the term ‘diaspora’ here to refer to ‘a globally mobile category of identification’ (Axel 2001: 27), or as ‘a series of projected imaginaries of identity’ (Werbner 2000: 758) – in other words, as a discursively-constructed identity category – rather than any claim to geographical determinism or specificity.
 
9
Shia Muslims nominally make up around 60-70% of the Iraqi population, but since at least the Ottoman era have historically been marginalised in both political and social spheres by the dominant Sunni minority.
 
10
The systematic persecution of Iraqi Shi’is marked a culmination of many years of Baathist tactics of displacement and control employed against various populations deemed to be a threat to the Baathist national cause (the Kurds, for example, were continually displaced and persecuted throughout the Baath regime, climaxing in the 1988 Anfal, which involved the mass extermination of Kurdish villages in northern Iraq).
 
11
Estimates of the number of Iraqis deported during this period vary widely, from as low as 15,000 (Batatu 1981) to as high as 300,000 (Interview 4). A significant number of (Shia) Fayli Kurds were also deported during this period. The history of the Failis differs significantly from that of Arab Shia in Iraq, and for this reason they do not form part of the focus of this study.
 
12
The interviewee’s use of the term ‘extreme Right’ to describe the Shirazis is likely in reference to Mohammed Al-Husaini Al-Shirazi’s role of spiritual leader of the Movement of Vanguard Missionaries, an umbrella group of Iran-based Islamist paramilitaries active in the 1980s. In addition, the Shirazis are known to adopt a particularly orthodox interpretation of Shiism, especially when it comes to the outpouring of grief and emotion during Muharram.
 
13
Controversial ritual cutting of the forehead practiced by certain strands of Shia Muslims and banned by the religious establishment in Najaf (though not officially banned in Iran, the practice is denounced by Ayatollah Khamenei).
 
14
During the 1970s and 80s the Da’wa and Communist parties in Iraq represented the only real political opposition to Saddam Hussain’s Baath Party. This is probably why the interviewee refers to them ‘lefties’, despite the party’s Islamist credentials and current links to the Iranian regime.
 
15
The Al-Khoei Foundation is often upheld by the British government as the representative of the Shia Muslim voice in the UK – a status that is not always corroborated by individuals in the community.
 
16
For the younger generation, the choice of which hussainiyya to attend is often dictated by the particular orator speaking on a given night, with some English-language speakers attracting large and devout followings.
 
17
Form of ritualised self-flagellation. Different schools of Shia thought adopt different stands on the extent and form that latum should take; for example, followers of Mohhamed Baqir Al-Sadr (such as the Da’wa Party) believe that it should be a representation of suffering, and that it is haram to inflict any actual pain on oneself, while followers of Shirazi consider the pain of self-hitting or cutting to be cathartic.
 
18
Interview with Mohammed M, 1 September 2014.
 
19
Author’s fieldnotes, 2 November 2014.
 
20
Author’s fieldnotes, 29 October 2014.
 
21
Interview with Mehdi J, 25 November 2014.
 
22
Interview with Hussain T, 6 December 2014.
 
23
Informal conversations with Oula K and Mohammed M.
 
24
Interview with Mehdi J. It is also worth noting here that the demographic of Iraqi Shiis who settled in Kingston is slightly different from that of Iraqis in North and West London. There is a larger proportion of Iraqis who came prior to the political exile of the 1980s, and the majority tend to be more affluent than those in other parts of London. Although Iraqis in London come from diverse social and economic backgrounds, those who were forced to flee or were deported often struggled to find good employment in the UK, and I spoke to numerous engineers, doctors, lawyers, and other qualified professionals living in North and West London who are working as taxi drivers and in pizza shops since their English was not good enough. Because many Iraqis in Kingston came either to pursue higher education here or simply boasted better connections, this has resulted in a socio-economic and class division that didn’t necessarily exist back in Iraq.
 
25
For a discussion of class networks in London, including issues of social mobility and gentrification, see Butler and Robson (2001, 2003), Hamnett (2003) and Watt (2008).
 
26
Interview with Dia Kashi, 6 March 2013.
 
27
Indeed, these regional rivalries have even seeped into the diasporic experience through the way in which different Shia religious establishments are seen as being ‘Najafi’ or ‘Karbala’i – one hussainiyya in particular, Rasul Al-‘Atham, is even known informally as al-Karbala’iyya (the Karbala’i one).
 
28
This is something that I explore further in my doctoral thesis.
 
29
For a discussion of the advent of an ethnicised Muslim identity in the UK, and in particular its relationship with British multiculturalism policies, see Bloul (2008), Cesari (2004), Meer (2008, 2010), and Modood (2003, 2006, 2009).
 
30
Author fieldnotes.
 
31
An advocacy and lobbying organisation founded in 2011 and based in Washington DC, US, that aims to ‘protect the rights of Shi’a Muslims worldwide’ (www.​shiarightswatch.​com).
 
32
An annual campaign initiated by Shia Rights Watch following the intentional targeting of Shia soldiers by ISIS forces at Camp Speicher in Iraq on 12 June 2014 (www.​internationalshi​aday.​com).
 
33
A public awareness campaign run predominantly by Khojas in London and encompassing leafleting, events, blood donation campaigns, and awareness posters throughout the London Underground network (www.​whoishussain.​org).
 
34
Sheikh Khalid Yasin is an African-American Muslim convert who has settled in the UK. He has drawn controversy for his views on Muslims mixing with kafir (unbelievers), and his statements on homosexuality, Jews, and women. An undercover investigation by the UK Channel 4 programme Dispatches in 2007 revealed that Yasin and other controversial speakers had regularly been invited to speak at Regent’s Park Mosque. At the time, the mosque responded by saying that such views ‘did not reflect those of the mosque’ (Hassan 2008).
 
35
Clay tablet used by Shia Muslims during prayer and representing the earth of Karbala in modern-day Iraq.
 
36
Interview with Ali M, 6 August 2014.
 
37
Despite colloquial claims to the ‘Shia Triangle’ and ‘Najaf in Brent’, it is difficult to verify the extent to which Shia Muslims do indeed dominate the institutional and demographic landscape of north-west London since there is little reliable data on the number of institutions of other religious denominations in this area. However, for the purposes of this paper, it is important to note that the perceived dominance of Shia Muslims in Brent forms part of the discursive construction of space in the city, and is therefore tied to the kinds of social, political, and religious identities cultivated within such spaces.
 
38
This is explored further in my doctoral thesis, and as such not further developed here.
 
39
Interview with Maryam A, 30 October 2015.
 
40
Interview with Ali M, 6 August 2014.
 
42
Author’s fieldnotes. For example, one slogan read: ‘ISIS are the Yazid of today’, a reference to the Sunni caliph Yazid, who is believed by Shiis to have been involved in the killing of Imam Hussain at the Battle of Karbala.
 
43
Indeed, even interfaith organisations in London have traditionally focused on building bridges between the major world religions, and not between different denominations of the same religion; though this is beginning to change.
 
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Metadata
Title
Fragmented realities: the ‘sectarianisation’ of space among Iraqi Shias in London
Author
Emanuelle Degli Esposti
Publication date
15-09-2018
Publisher
Springer Netherlands
Published in
Contemporary Islam / Issue 3/2019
Print ISSN: 1872-0218
Electronic ISSN: 1872-0226
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11562-018-0425-y

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