From Vision to Power: The EPP’s Journey Through Enlargement and Strategy (Interview With Wim van Velzen)
- Open Access
- 2026
- OriginalPaper
- Chapter
Published in:
Activate our intelligent search to find suitable subject content or patents.
Select sections of text to find matching patents with Artificial Intelligence. powered by
Select sections of text to find additional relevant content using AI-assisted search. powered by (Link opens in a new window)
Abstract
Wim van Velzen served as chairman of the Dutch CDA from January 1987 to 1994. In 1994 he became a Member of the European Parliament (MEP), serving until 2004 and holding the role of vice-president of the European People’s Party (EPP) twice. From 1996 to 1999, he was president of the European Union of Christian Democrats (EUCD), where he played a key role in aligning Central and Eastern European (CEE) parties with Christian Democratic values and overseeing the EUCD’s integration into the EPP.
Van Velzen was instrumental in integrating Christian Democratic values into the broader European political framework, particularly through his contributions to the formation and growth of the EPP. On 2 October 2024, I met him virtually to explore his unique experiences during the EPP’s formative years and the integration of the EUCD into its structure. Our conversation was enriched by van Velzen’s vivid recollections of the EPP’s early days and his insights into the complex task of incorporating parties from Central and Eastern Europe. He shared thoughtful reflections on the strategic decisions and visionary leadership that propelled the EPP to its position as Europe’s number one political force.
Advertisement
What were the founding principles of the EUCD, and how did they contribute to the formation of the EPP?
I think that the establishment of the EUCD in 1965 was a pivotal step towards creating a unified European Christian Democratic movement. Built on the values of democracy, human dignity, solidarity and subsidiarity, the EUCD united like-minded parties across Europe, moving beyond mere cooperation. This transformation allowed us to articulate common goals with real political force, despite challenges from nationalism and ideological opposition within Europe.
The EUCD’s founding wasn’t an isolated development. We built on existing frameworks such as the Nouvelles Équipes Internationales and earlier organisations such as the International Secretariat of Christian-Inspired Democratic Parties, which had served as hubs for inter-European dialogue among Christian Democrats. The key difference with the EUCD was its clear mission to shape policy rather than simply coordinate discussions.
I believe that this foundational period paved the way for the creation of the EPP in 1976. We knew a more cohesive Christian Democratic voice was needed, especially with challenges such as de Gaulle’s resistance to supranationalism and the expanding European Economic Community. The EUCD, with its commitment to shared principles, acted as the immediate forerunner of the EPP, creating a platform where Christian Democrats could pursue the common goal of a federated Europe.
Advertisement
During the 1970s and 1980s, the EUCD held a relatively limited political position in Brussels and other member state capitals, as the EPP managed key activities concerning the European Commission, Parliament and Council. Meanwhile, the EUCD maintained responsibility for relations with the Council of Europe and its member states. I believe this division allowed the EUCD to strategically foster political cooperation within the Council of Europe, which later became instrumental for the EPP, particularly as it expanded and pursued broader European integration.
How did the EUCD address the integration of new CEE parties, and what specific challenges emerged during this period?
Integrating CEE parties was no small task, especially given that many of these parties had limited experience with democratic governance and, in many cases, included members who had prior ties to Communist regimes. Decades of authoritarian rule had left these parties with limited experience in policymaking, governance and the handling of democratic institutions. New parties were created, but it was vital to verify whether their members aligned with the EUCD’s democratic and Christian values.
Thus, we needed to ensure that any new members were genuinely aligned with our values, which required a rigorous vetting process. We decided to begin by offering observer status before granting membership status, which gave us the necessary time to evaluate each new party’s commitment to our values, including democratic governance and respect for human dignity.
The influx of new politicians and parties led to challenges; for instance, several ‘fortune hunters’ attempted to join sister parties within the EUCD, sometimes planted by former secret services in CEE countries such as Czechoslovakia and Hungary. To prevent ideological breaches, the EUCD enforced strict verification standards. Wilfried Martens, in his capacity as both EPP and, later, EUCD chairman, attended numerous CEE meetings to support this oversight.
Another challenge was posed by ‘reform Communists’, who took power in some CEE member states during the initial post–Cold War period. While we had strong cooperation with Hungarian political figures such as Jószef Antall, and we wanted to support other Christian Democratic actors, we learned that others that we thought were aligned with us were actually ‘moles’, cooperating with former Communist structures.
How did the EUCD’s stance on minority rights within CEE countries contribute to its larger goal of European integration?
Indeed, in many CEE countries, ethnic diversity and social tensions were prominent issues, stemming from historical conflicts and demographic shifts under Communism. In Brussels we were not aware of the impact on CEE countries of the Versailles and Trianon treaties, in particular, of their impact on ethnic minorities. These tensions were prominent in countries including the Baltic states, Slovakia and Romania, where parties resisted working with minority-focused groups from the same nation.
In my view, promoting minority rights was essential for both regional stability and the reinforcement of unity and tolerance within the EPP. I think we understood early on that the ethnic diversity and social tensions in many CEE countries, stemming from historical conflicts and demographic shifts under Communism, required a strong stance on inclusivity.
To address these concerns, we developed a resolution on minority rights that became a foundational criterion for EUCD membership. This document outlined our commitment to tolerance and unity, which ensured that all member parties upheld these values. This stance was not just a moral imperative but a strategic one—it helped to create a standard of governance that promoted both European integration and the internal stability of our expanding membership. This commitment to inclusion and tolerance continues to be a defining element of the EPP’s values today.
How did the EPP and the EUCD develop a strategy to challenge the dominance of the left in European institutions during the 1970s and 1980s?
To my mind, the collaboration between Klaus Welle and myself from 1996 to 1998 was crucial in developing a strategy that would solidify the EPP’s role as a major political force in Europe. We focused on three main elements: assessing the electoral potential of CEE parties, organising seminars for young leaders and expanding the Robert Schuman Institute in Budapest. I think Klaus’s vision was instrumental in emphasising proactive engagement—especially through MEPs—by fostering long-term alliances with CEE political figures and creating development pathways for emerging leaders aligned with EPP values.
Our plan included several strategies:
-
Regular electoral assessments. We conducted ongoing evaluations to identify and strengthen partnerships in the CEE, targeting areas for EPP growth.
-
Young leaders seminars. We organised seminars to equip new leaders with essential political skills and to build connections with EPP-aligned politicians.
-
Trainee programmes. Initiated within the EPP group, these programmes were tailored for emerging politicians, grounding them in the EPP’s framework.
-
Engagement of MEPs. The active participation of MEPs in events with sister parties in the CEE helped build alliances and strengthen ties.
-
Evaluation of party development. The EPP training institutes thoroughly assessed the progress and viability of CEE parties.
-
Expanded training at the Robert Schuman Institute. Through ambitious training programmes, we prepared CEE leaders and activists in Budapest.
-
Workshops and seminars. These were held in various member states, offering crucial guidance and insight into European governance.
This strategic shift yielded remarkable results. I believe that winning consecutive European Parliament elections (in 1999, 2004, 2009, 2014, 2019 and 2024) firmly established the EPP as a dominant voice. Additionally, with two-thirds of European commissioners affiliated with the EPP, this strategy significantly strengthened the EPP’s influence across the EU institutions.
How did the EUCD’s youth training initiatives influence the EPP’s future leadership and political strength?
To my mind, one of our most impactful initiatives was investing in youth training programmes designed to prepare the next generation of EPP-aligned leaders. Through seminars, trainee programmes in Brussels and young leader initiatives, especially via the Robert Schuman Institute, we enabled young leaders to gain hands-on experience in European politics, adopt democratic principles and grasp the complexities of policymaking.
I think this investment in future leaders created a deeply committed network aligned with our values and the EPP’s mission. Many who participated went on to hold significant positions in their home countries and within the European Parliament. By developing this generational pipeline, we not only strengthened our influence across Europe but also ensured that our principles would continue to guide European governance in the future. This long-term investment in youth leadership is, I believe, a core strength of the EPP today.
How did the process of merging the EUCD into the EPP unfold in 1996, and what impact did this integration have on the EPP’s effectiveness as a political force?
The 1996 merger, fully integrating the EUCD into the EPP, was a significant step in uniting Europe’s centre–right political forces. From my perspective, overseeing this transition allowed us to operate as a cohesive entity, giving clarity to our mission and enabling us to focus on becoming Europe’s leading political group. I think this consolidation played a vital role in our 1999 electoral victory and reinforced our ideological unity across Europe.
Merging our strengths gave the EPP a stronger platform to address Europe’s challenges, from economic reforms to social stability. This unification made us more resilient to internal conflicts, positioning the EPP as a robust and influential force, equipped to navigate the complexities of European governance. In my view, this merger was instrumental in establishing the EPP’s capacity to act as a unified political force.
What lessons from the EUCD’s integration of CEE parties continue to shape the EPP’s approach to future EU enlargements?
I think the EUCD’s structured approach to integrating CEE parties remains a guiding model for the EPP’s enlargement strategy today. We learned that alignment with core values and gradual integration are essential for fostering cohesion. I believe that the phased model—starting with observer status and progressing to full membership—shows that patience is key to successful expansion. This approach has been invaluable as we consider future expansions, including into the Western Balkans.
By prioritising principled integration, we make sure any future growth aligns with our commitment to democracy, human rights and European unity. In my view, the EUCD’s approach to integration continues to guide the EPP as we build on our mission of fostering unity and cooperation across an expanding Europe.
What key lessons for the future should the EPP draw from the process that led it to becoming Europe’s leading political force?
In my opinion, member state support is indispensable. Even with a well-defined strategy, strong support from the member states is essential for ensuring the successful implementation of the EPP’s initiatives. Core principles are critical too—the EPP must continue to uphold its foundational principles, with people-centred policies as our guiding principle.
I believe it is also crucial that we emphasise transparency and tangible actions that benefit individuals, human beings. Extremist forces seek to undermine Europe, but power alone is not what matters; what matters is how we wield it to achieve meaningful outcomes. Lastly, consistent dialogue between the EPP and its sister parties is essential, as cooperation is the cornerstone of our collective success.
The key conditions for success include a sound strategy, effective action planning and ongoing monitoring of implementation. Equally important is the willingness to embrace a common goal and the commitment to execute it.
Open Access This chapter is licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits use, sharing, adaptation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license and indicate if changes were made.
The images or other third party material in this chapter are included in the chapter's Creative Commons license, unless indicated otherwise in a credit line to the material. If material is not included in the chapter's Creative Commons license and your intended use is not permitted by statutory regulation or exceeds the permitted use, you will need to obtain permission directly from the copyright holder.
Teona Lavrelashvili
is a Research Associate at the Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies. She earned her Ph.D. in Political Science from KU Leuven and has a decade of experience across EU institutions, academia and think tanks, including roles at the European Commission’s Directorate General Neighbourhood and Enlargement Negotiations, the European Parliament, KU Leuven and the European Policy Centre.