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2024 | OriginalPaper | Chapter

International Organizations, Great Power Competition, and the U.S. Presidency: The Dilemma of China

Author : James Jay Carafano

Published in: Presidential Leadership and Foreign Policy

Publisher: Springer Nature Switzerland

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Abstract

This chapter will contrast Trump’s approach to international organizations, which I will argue was principally realist, with Biden’s initial efforts to shape U.S. engagement with international organizations which I will argue is fundamentally structuralist. This chapter will highlight how their approaches lead to contrasting policies, making the point that neither eschews the value of international organizations as instruments of foreign policy. The chapter will then examine the aftermath of the war on Ukraine and examine if it has impacted this administration’s behavior. It will conclude by forecasting the likely impact on the Trump/Biden legacy in future approaches to international organizations.

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Footnotes
1
See, for example, Desch and Ruger (2018).
 
2
Carafano (2016).
 
3
See, for example, Dueck (2019).
Or Nau (2013).
 
4
Bijian (2005).
 
5
Silver et al. (2021).
 
6
Schaefer (2020).
 
7
A long-awaited UN report condemns China’s actions in Xinjiang (2022), Schaefer and Pletka (2020).
For the text of the U.N. report on China’s violations of human rights in Xinjiang, see United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (2022).
 
8
Moncus and Connaughton (2020, June 11).
 
9
O’Brien (2020).
 
10
The White House (2022).
 
11
Office of the President (2021).
 
12
As example of criticism see, WISPolitics (2023, February 16).
 
13
Yale Program on Climate Action Communication (2016).
 
14
Permanent Mission of the People’s Republic of China to the United Nations Office at Geneva and Other International Organizations in Switzerland. (n.d.).
 
15
Lynch (2018).
 
16
Gowan (2020).
 
17
United Nations Chief Executives Board for Coordination (n.d.).
 
18
See, for example, Human Rights Watch (2017).
 
19
Schaefer (2022).
 
20
See, for example, Associated Press (2021, July 22).
 
21
Civil Aviation Administration of China (2022).
 
22
See, for example, Blinken (2021).
 
23
No room to run: China’s expanded mis(use) of Interpol since the rise of Xi (2021).
 
24
Lew (2021).
 
25
See, for example, Bromund (2022).
 
26
Cummings-Bruce (2020).
 
27
Farge (2022).
 
28
Schaefer (2022).
 
29
Schaefer (2022).
 
30
Cunningham (2022).
 
31
Silver et al. (2020).
 
32
This section adapted from Carafano (2022).
 
33
See, for example, Schuman (2022).
 
34
For detailed recommendations see Schaefer (2022).
See also Schaefer (2022), U.S. Government Accountability Office (2010).
 
35
While some argue UNCLOS would benefit the U.S. competition with China, others disagree. What is clear is that conservative opposition would likely block ratification of the convention by the Senate. See, for example, Groves (2022).
 
36
The following is adapted from Carafano et al. (2020).
 
37
Schavey (2001).
 
38
Jain and Kroenig (2019).
 
Literature
go back to reference Cummings-Bruce, N. (2020, March 4). U.S.-backed candidate for global tech post beats China’s nominee. The New York Times. Cummings-Bruce, N. (2020, March 4). U.S.-backed candidate for global tech post beats China’s nominee. The New York Times.
go back to reference Dueck, C. (2019). Age of iron: On conservative nationalism. Oxford University Press. Dueck, C. (2019). Age of iron: On conservative nationalism. Oxford University Press.
go back to reference Nau, H. R. (2013). Conservative internationalism: Armed diplomacy under Jefferson, Polk, Truman, and Reagan. Princeton University Press. Nau, H. R. (2013). Conservative internationalism: Armed diplomacy under Jefferson, Polk, Truman, and Reagan. Princeton University Press.
Metadata
Title
International Organizations, Great Power Competition, and the U.S. Presidency: The Dilemma of China
Author
James Jay Carafano
Copyright Year
2024
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-52799-9_5

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