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2021 | OriginalPaper | Chapter

Malta: A Janus Faced Migration and Integration Policy

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Abstract

An emigrant island state for most of the post-World War II period, Malta started becoming a net immigrant country from the mid-eighties. “Regular” and “irregular” immigrant trends picked up pace at the turn of the millennium and accelerated from 2015. Maltese society which was used to emigration struggled to accept the phenomenon of mixed immigration. A fully fletched integration policy launched in 2017 was aimed at all immigrant types. Public opinion in Malta has remained consistently concerned about immigration, but more resentful of the irregular arrivals such as those rescued in Malta’s maritime Search and Rescue Area (SAR), than towards those who are purposely imported to address skill or labour shortages in key economic areas. EU-EEA citizens who are entitled to live and work in Malta on the basis of the Union’s free movement of labour rules also raise fewer concerns. This chapter summarizes some of the key patterns of Maltese immigration, the main motors of the phenomenon, official reactions and policy developments and the way Malta has sought to “securitize” the phenomenon and enlist the EU’s aid in order to keep irregular migrants at bay while keeping the door open for select third country and EU citizens.

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Appendix
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Footnotes
1
The terms are used for analytical purposes only to distinguish between ‘regular’ migrants arriving in Malta with the necessary work permits and permission to take up residence and ‘irregular’ migrants arriving mostly by boat or rescued at sea, usually without documentation, consisting of refugees or asylum seekers as well as economic migrants.
 
2
The Dublin Regulation stipulates that asylum applications must be processed in the country where asylum seekers enter. A fourth major amendment to this regulation, Dublin IV, languishes in the EU’s legal limbo. Proposed in May 2016 it proposes a mechanism to relieve the disproportionate pressure on some member states’ asylum systems. While further progress is blocked some member states have at times agreed to voluntary share among themselves quotas of asylum seekers suddenly arriving in some Mediterranean destinations such as Greece, Italy and Malta.
 
3
Med Group is an informal group of seven Mediterranean EU Member States: Cyprus, Greece, France, Italy, Spain, Portugal and Malta. It met for the first time in 2013 but had other similar precedents.
 
4
For example in 2018, the public prosecutor in Catania started an inquiry into the activities of the Spanish NGO “Open Arms” which was archived in the preliminary stages a year later.
 
5
International Organization for Migration, missing persons statistics at www.​missingmigrants.​iom.​int/​region/​mediterranean.
 
6
According to The Times of Malta (TOM) the refugees were hosted at Tigne Barracks. Maltese NGOS, businesses, individuals and Church organizations like Caritas pitched in to supply food, clothing and other necessities. The Catholic Church promised all possible help as soon as the Archbishop was informed of the refugees’ arrival (TOM 11.11.1972). Many refugees were also taken for tours of the island by private individuals. Some refugees not only expressed their gratitude at the hospitality which they had received but said that they would have settled on the island had they been given the choice (TOM 22.11.1972). This contrasted a lot with narratives of refugees arriving in Malta at the start of new millennium.
 
7
The Times of Malta, 11 April 2020 (and other national newspapers) reported the head of the state funded the Foundation for Social Welfare Services, suggesting on the social media that the authorities should impound ships used by international NGOs to rescue people stranded at sea “and sink them”. He later added that “the NGOs are operating illegally in Maltese waters”.
 
8
A press release was issued by the Government of Malta (2018) announcing the launching of the charter but the full text of the charter could not be traced.
 
9
Alternattiva Demokratika won 0.83% of the national vote in the 2017 general election and 1.8% in the 2013 election. Alleanza Bidla obtained 0.07% and Moviment Patrijotti Maltin 0.4% in the 2017 but did not contest the 2013 election.
 
10
Imperium Europa (IE) received 1,603 votes (0.7%) in 2004 and increased its votes in all subsequent European elections, obtaining 8,238 (3.2%) in 2019; Alleanza Bidla (AB) obtained 1,015 (0.4%) in 2014 and 1,186 (0.5%) in 2019; Moviment Patrijotti Maltin (MPM) contested only once and received just 771 (0.3%) votes in 2019 and Azzjoni Nazzjonali (AN) also contested only once and received 1,595 (0.64%) votes in 2009.
 
11
The figure is estimated from information published by IOM on the relocation of refugees under the United States Refugee Admissions Programme (USRAP) at https://​malta.​iom.​int/​the-united-states-refugee-admissions-programme-usrap (accessed 9 June 2020). It was also compared with data provided in UNHCR (2019) and information provided by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, in a plenary debate, Malta’s Parliament, Sitting No.: 267—Monday, 28 October 2019, 02:00 pm, at https://​www.​parlament.​mt/​en/​13th-leg/​plenary-session/​ps-267-28102019-0200-pm/​ (accessed 9 June 2020).
 
12
In 2019, Gentiloni was appointed European Commissioner for the Economy.
 
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Metadata
Title
Malta: A Janus Faced Migration and Integration Policy
Author
Roderick Pace
Copyright Year
2021
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-66203-5_7