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2022 | OriginalPaper | Chapter

15. Neither Fortress Nor Open Gate: Proposals for a Humane But Realistic Migration Policy

Author : Theo Rauch

Published in: Forced Displacement and Migration

Publisher: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden

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Abstract

There is broad political consensus that neither closing European borders nor allowing unrestricted freedom of movement can be viewed as a feasible response to the increasing migration pressure around the world. But when it comes to the question of how to regulate migration in a way that adequately considers the legitimate interests of migrants, of the societies in the countries of destination and of the regions of origin, most political parties and academics remain silent if they are asked to be specific about the controversial question of ways and means to invite or restrict migration. Acknowledging that fighting the root causes of forced migration is a necessary but not sufficient contribution, this article aims to contribute to a consolidated development and migration policy composed of the three main pillars of firstly reducing migration pressures in the regions of origin, secondly providing safe legal routes for migrants to Europe and thirdly defining the parameters, i.e., the limitations necessary to keep migration movements within the absorption capacities of the societies and labour markets in the countries of destination. The policy recommendations refer to all motives for migration.

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Footnotes
1
This article has undergone a broad-based and controversial discussion process. Special thanks for their constructive and partly critical contributions go to: Uli Alff, Wolfgang Fischer, Peter Filius, Ingrid Jacobsen, Sabine Jungk, Bernd Leber, Harald Löhlein, Birga Maier, Rigmar Osterkamp, Hans-Joachim Preuß, Fred Scholz, Bernd Schubert, Sabine Speiser, Rolf Speit, Maria Tekülve, Sondra Wentzel und Ulli Weyl. They do not necessarily agree to the contents.
 
2
Some authors even assume that success in reduction of poverty might increase the number of international migrants (‘migration hub thesis’) as it is not the very poor, but the middle-class who can afford to migrate oversees (cf. Braunsdorf 2019; Martin-Shields et al. 2017). This argument tends to neglect, however, the interlink between internal poverty migration and the transmission of the migration pressure to urban better-off people towards international migration (‘migration cascade’ thesis, cf. Rauch 2017).
 
3
This consensus is opposed by strategies focussing on closure and deterrence favoured by right-wing political parties on the one side and by movements in favour of a ‘human right of migration’ (or freedom of movement), e.g. abolishment of territorial states and all kinds of borders, on the other side of the political spectrum.
 
4
Under-employment is not reflected by the official unemployment figures, which only refer to formal employees registered as unemployed. The dimensions of the problem of under-employment are better reflected by the fact that, in sub-Saharan Africa, only 2 million formal jobs are available for the 15 million people reaching working age each year.
 
5
The term ‘employment’ is used here for any income opportunity. Thus, ‘impact on employment’ includes any impact on income- or subsistence-generating activity.
 
6
African, Caribbean and Pacific countries associated with EU by trade and development partnerships.
 
7
The present EU trade policy still has some way to go to create a conducive environment for protecting labour-intensive manufacturing in Africa. The net-employment effects of the Private–Public Partnership programmes of Germany’s BMZ are not examined. The prevailing concepts of rural transformation for poorer countries tend to promote labour-saving rural mechanisation and take a ‘grow or vanish’ approach towards smallholders without being able to offer alternative sources of livelihood (cf. Rauch et al. 2016).
 
8
These rules are related to the post-war situation, where the right of asylum was meant for refugees from communist countries seeking asylum in the West.
 
9
It is assumed that an agreement on such a key will be easier if it relates to approved refugees rather than to unknown numbers of uncontrolled immigrants.
 
10
This is in contrast to the situation of Turkish migrant workers in the 1960s, many of whom preferred to stay, as they had lost their access to land and other resources in their home areas.
 
11
The wage level for unskilled labour in West African cities is around 4 euros a day as opposed to 25 euros in rural Southern Europe and 75 euros in Western Europe. If accommodation and catering costs can be kept to a modest level, comparatively high rates of savings and remittances can be achieved.
 
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Metadata
Title
Neither Fortress Nor Open Gate: Proposals for a Humane But Realistic Migration Policy
Author
Theo Rauch
Copyright Year
2022
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-32902-0_15

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