The transformation of communities constitutes a significant site of organizational ethics. Common with other postcolonial contexts, in South Asia, this transformation of communities is understood as community development, part of wider global development. A wide range of organizations: from postcolonial nation-states and public-sector organizations to civil society agencies such as NGOs, think tanks, and activist organizations have all contributed, historically, to community development (see for example: Batten,
1974; Kapelus,
2002; Mansuri & Rao,
2004; McCarthy,
1995). Businesses have also contributed to community development as part of their CSR or through philanthropy—be it corporate foundations or philanthropic organizations founded and established by business elites (Banks et al.,
2016; Gautier & Pache,
2015; Liu et al.,
2013; Muthuri,
2008; Porter & Kramer,
1999,
2002). Whether state-led, civil society-based, or sponsored by businesses and its elites, such community development programmes have been animated by modernization. Part of the post-World War II international development era, modernization sought to transform entire societies in the so-called third world from ‘traditional’ to ‘modern’ by encouraging them to adopt large-scale industrialization, urbanization, expansion of capitalism and markets, and intensification of science and technology (Bernstein,
1971; Esteva,
1992; Khilnani,
1999).
Despite the invocation of its transformative potential for development, modernization resulted in large-scale dispossession, exclusions, and violence that undermined local communities, their livelihoods, cultures and knowledge (Alvares,
1992; Escobar,
1995; Rahnema,
1997; Shiva,
1989). Contributing to extant criticisms of development and modernization, I focus on the role of the “modernizing elites” (Bernstein,
1971) in the production of a new moral order as part of postcolonial development in South Asia. In doing so, business elites’ philanthropic organizations sought to install new “social imaginaries” of community, which were characterized by sameness and simultaneity (Anderson,
2006; Taylor,
2004). Social imaginary, following Taylor (
2004, p. 2), is understood here as “not a set of ideas; rather, it is what enables, through making sense of, the practices of a society”. Far from static, the production of the new moral order under modernization, I argue, necessitated shifting imaginaries of community from time to time. These shifts in social imaginaries of community were deemed desirable and justified in the name development and nation-building (Kumar,
2021).
In probing the shifting imaginaries of community here, I present an “analytically structured history” of social imaginaries of community from twentieth century India (Rowlinson et al.,
2014). Using periodization (Cooke & Kumar,
2020), I map and explain the shifts in community imaginaries. I draw on the nearly century and a half long history of philanthropy of the Tata Group. The Tatas are widely recognized, including here in
JBE, for their ethical leadership, corporate stewardship, and philanthropic history (Balakrishnan et al.,
2017; Elankumaran et al.,
2005; Sivakumar,
2008). Alongside their leading role in the modernization of aviation, energy, and steel industries in the country, they have endowed institutions of higher education, founded leading research centres of science, social science, and humanities, and funded community development programmes, including in partnership with nongovernmental organizations, across the country (see for example: Lala,
1984,
2004; Witzel,
2010). Even if somewhat misplaced, that they are considered exemplary when compared to their contemporaries and have played an influential role in India’s development (Lala,
1984; Witzel,
2010; Worden,
2003) makes it all the more important to scrutinize their philanthropy critically.
The rest of the article is structured as follows. A review of extant scholarship on modernization and development is presented next. As part of which, I also discuss the influential role of business elites and their philanthropy in development. In the second section, the research methodology is presented. From which, a periodization of “social imaginaries” of community are outlined in the third section. Next, I discuss how modernization has involved the production of a new moral order, which necessitated shifts in the imaginaries of community and how the shifts were justified by the business elites with the wider objective of building their own social acceptance. In conclusion, I outline the article’s key contributions.
Development, Modernization, and Philanthropy: A Review
Following colonialism, development became integral to re-inscribing the “non-West into a history not of its own making” (Seth et al.,
1998, p. 8). In the second half of the twentieth century, development both structured the new relationship between the ‘West’ and its ex-colonies; and provided a ready template on which so-called third world countries were to model themselves. Modernization (with its associated assemblages of capitalism, democracy, industrialization, and urbanization, etc.) became the predominant development approach during the Cold War years (Brohman,
1995). Premised in the reductive and caricatured distinctions between ‘traditional’ and ‘modern’ societies, it offered a singular, sequential path to development that involved transformation of economy and industry, political and social institutions, and technology. Presented as an “evolutionary schema”, modernization stood for a particular form of social change, with a fixed beginning and end point, and in which “modernizing elites” played a crucial role in setting development objectives and strategies (Bernstein,
1971).
Similar to other postcolonial contexts, India also pursued modernization vigorously. This involved large-scale, state-led investment in institutions of scientific research, higher education and training, and building a cadre of experts, bureaucrats, and administrators to lead its development effort (Chatterjee,
1993; Khilnani,
1999). As it subscribed to a state-led centralized planning model, it inscribed a ‘technocratic’ vision of development, where technical experts and trained administrators could be entrusted with the task of development. Echoing American conception of modernization as universally applicable, planning in the Indian formulation similarly saw its role as the pursuit of ‘universal’ objectives, over and above the particular or specific interests of civil society and representative democracy (Chatterjee,
1997). Its supposedly scientific nature, neutrality, and its leadership by technocrats and bureaucrats was supposed to insulate it from the demands and criticisms from narrow and sectional interests within the Indian society.
In community development, the particular was similarly side-lined in the pursuit of universalizing modernization. For example, Nehru believed that the Tennessee Valley Authority’s success with community development exemplified the “means to achieve the modern India he desired” (Ekbladh,
2011, p. 102). It involved,
inter alia, a turn to science and technology in agriculture, irrigation, and animal husbandry, along with social engineering led by an army of trained extension workers with expertise in wide-ranging fields from agriculture and public health to rural organization. Modernizing community development programmes, according to Nehru, similarly offered a cheaper solution to India’s development challenges—food shortages, building a new national citizenry, and delivering welfare rights (Sackley,
2011).
India formally launched a large-scale community development programme in 1952 (see Thorner,
1981 for an early history of the programme). Initially launched on a pilot basis in Etawah district in Uttar Pradesh, it was soon extended to 410,000 villages across the whole country (Sackley,
2011). The programme found ready support from the Ford Foundation, which ostensibly supported the programme’s fundamental and mutual reinforcing values of democracy, development, and self-help (Staples,
1992). Even as the Ford Foundation funded the involvement of US technical experts, especially in the areas of scientific agriculture, it is worth bearing in mind that US interest in the programme were shaped by contemporary Cold War geo-politics, whose central actors believed that the war between capitalism and communism will be won by those that deliver the “greatest benefits to the peoples of the world” (Ekbladh,
2011, p. 102; also see Sackley,
2011; Sunil,
2013).
Despite its early promise and extensive US technical support, the programme was far from successful. It was plagued not only by strategic and administrative inadequacies but was also found wanting in terms of community’s participation: which was meagre, dominated by upper-caste, upper-class men, many of whom owned relatively large landholdings (Karunaratne,
1976). Offering an insider account, Staples (
1992) has argued that the innovative programme, funded by the Ford Foundation, had run into a slow-moving Indian bureaucracy, plagued as it were by turf wars. He cited the lack of decentralized governance as one of the foremost causes of the failure of the community development programme in the country. Others offer a more charitable view, Hussain (
1989), for example has argued that the technological revolution of Indian agriculture from 1960s to 1970s owed, more than what it otherwise acknowledged, to the success of the community development infrastructure introduced in the 1950s.
Notwithstanding the limited success of community development programme, modernization remained the predominant development force in mid-twentieth century India. As it turned the spotlight on the ‘universal’ and side-lined the ‘particular’, modernization (and so, development) caused dispossession, exacerbated gendered and ethnic inequalities, and caused lasting ecological damage, which I discuss in greater detail next.
Premised in the reductive binary of ‘traditional’ versus ‘modern’, modernization required the wholescale annihilation of ‘traditional’ beliefs, superstitions, and cultural practices. The emphasis on capital and technology led to extensive mechanization and use of chemicals which caused large-scale damage on local lands, water, and ecology (Escobar,
1995). Shanti George (
1985; also see Baviskar & George,
1988), for example, has documented how the high-cost, high-speed, imported technology that fuelled the
White Revolution in western India primarily benefitted the more affluent, large-scale producers as it involved expensive infrastructure that was not always appropriate to Indian environmental conditions and had led to increased costs to customers. And further that it had done little to alleviate rural poverty; instead, it channelled scarce nutrition away from rural households to privileged few in urban centres (George,
1985). Still others such as Shiva (
1989) point to the gendered nature of the violence caused by modernization and development.
Building on the now familiar criticisms of modernization, I argue that development and modernization has involved the production of a new moral order and the identification and installation of a desirable, ethical ideal in whose name the new moral order is justified. A moral order, Taylor (
2004, p. 4) argues, “stresses the rights and obligations we have as individuals in regard to each other, even prior to or outside of the political bond”. Not limited to mere norms, the new moral order must also contain an “ontic” attribute that makes them realizable. The order is conceived and conceptualized as social imaginaries. Distinct from social theory, they provide a “common understanding that makes possible common practices and a widely shared sense of legitimacy” (
Ibid.: 23). Drawing on which, I interrogate the “social imaginaries” of community that have animated community development programmes in India.
Although development has hitherto focused on India’s post-independence modernization, I start before that. Interrogating business elites’ philanthropy from the late nineteenth century onwards reveals important shifts and disjunctures in their subsequent imaginaries of community and development. Moreover, their earlier philanthropy was just as significant in preparing future administrators, scientists, and social scientists who would, I argue, go on to lead the new moral order and outline the inter-relationships between its individual members. In the production of the new moral order as part of modernization, business elites have played a significant role contributing both in the conceptualization and transmittal of imaginary, which are initially held by a few before they become more widely accepted; and ultimately “self-evident” so that they become indistinguishable from other alternates (Taylor,
2004).
Next, I review the influence of business elites’ philanthropy on development, and their motivations for doing so.
Elites’ Philanthropy and Development
Business elites’ philanthropy has long played an influential role in development. It has shaped global development agenda, influenced priority setting and allocation of scarce resources and, to a large extent, impacted outcomes, etc. (McGoey,
2015). In addition to influence that it enables business elites to wield over the development landscape, their philanthropy is motivated,
inter alia, by the returns it yields for elites themselves. Andrew Carnegie’s philanthropy, for example, enabled the accumulation of cultural, social, and symbolic capital; leading to his growing economic capital (Harvey et al.,
2011). Others have recorded several benefits of philanthropy that might explain elites’ motivation for gift-giving: it helps reduce firms’ cost of capital (Zolotoy et al.,
2019) and enables business elites to aggregate political and institutional power (Sánchez,
2000). In addition to the reputational benefits it endows (Gautier & Pache,
2015), philanthropy generates political legitimacy, accumulates goodwill and nurtures political connections for future profitability (Sánchez,
2000; Su & He,
2010), especially in developing or transitional economies (Wang & Qian,
2011).
Such a strategic and pragmatic use of philanthropy to accumulate social, reputational, and political capital by business elites has also been noted in the historiography of Indian philanthropy, including as part of their community engagement. The mercantile elites from the western Indian port city of Surat, for example, were known to adjust their philanthropy in response to the changes in the governing regime (Haynes,
1987). While their earlier charity was directed at building and consolidating their credit worthiness within their own communities; the elites adjusted their mode of gift-giving with the demise of the Mughal empire and the rise of colonial administration. In order to build their social standing with the latter, the mercantile elite continued to finance community infrastructure within their economic and social networks to earn reputational capital; while adopting a more secular, civic orientated philanthropy to signal their self-identification with the colonial administrators (
Ibid.). Others have also noted this modification in Indian business elites’ philanthropy to reflect the colonial idiom of giving, which they deployed strategically to enhance the esteem in which the British held them (Palsetia,
2005; also see White,
1991 for a related discussion on the role of eighteenth century Parsi philanthropy). It helped the Parsis from Bombay (the community to which the Tatas also belonged) to build a collaborative governing regime (Palsetia,
2003). The modernization of Indian philanthropy, thus, placed its business elites into an influential position as they played a significant role in the transmission of modernity outwards to the Indian masses.
Before mapping the different imaginaries of community, historically, that animated the new moral order as part of India’s modernization, I discuss the research methodology next.
Research Methodology
The article is informed by and contributes to growing interest in historical approaches to business, management, and organization studies (Bucheli & Wadhwani,
2014; Cummings et al.,
2017). As an organizational history of Tatas’ philanthropy, the article is an “analytically structured history” (Rowlinson et al.,
2014). Bridging narrative and analysis, such histories rely on analytic constructs to search for archival sources and construct a narrative as its primary explanatory mode. A more accurate description, though, following Cooke and Kumar (
2020, p. 23) would be “analytical constructions of history”, which makes the historian’s agency in interpreting sources and constructing the narrative, abundantly clear. As an “analytical construction of history”, the article interrogates the imaginaries of community.
It is based on extensive archival and secondary sources collected as part of a wider research project that interrogates the role of business elites’ in India’s development covering a range of sites, such as science and technology, civil society, selfhood, etc. (Kumar,
2021). The archival sources, on which the article is based, comprised,
inter alia, of a wide variety of internal and external documents, including minutes of meetings of the Trustees’ Board of the various Tata Trusts (on which more below), project proposals, evaluation reports, annual reports of the Trusts, internal and external correspondence, memoranda, etc. These materials were sourced from, among others, the India Office Records, London; London School of Economics (Special Collections), London; National Archives of India, New Delhi, and Tata Central Archives, Pune. The secondary sources included: published articles, biographies, monographs, working papers, etc., which relate both to the histories of individuals and institutions part of the Tata family, and is informed by histories of the Group and its individual industries.
The first order of coding of the archival material, running into several hundreds of photocopied pages and notes, involved separating it into sites of development, discussed above. While some philanthropic gestures were expansive and covered more than one site, others were more straight-forward. The material coded under ‘community’ was then organized chronologically with a view to identifying a timeline of philanthropic giving. This was followed by a second order coding around recipients of Tatas’ philanthropy. In doing so, I was following Yates (
2014, p. 274) acknowledgement that although historians analyse and interpret their data differently from qualitative researchers, they do “implicitly ‘code’ their data” (
Ibid.: 274). Reading and sifting through the data resulted in an iterative coding and re-coding “as new themes emerge[d]” (
Ibid.: 275). From this coding around recipients of Tatas’ philanthropic giving, a periodization was derived.
This periodization, it is worth emphasizing, is not immutable but provisional, subjective, and open to challenge. These periods (or historical phases) that follow periodization should not be understood as tree-ring markers of
temporal time, but a product of historians’ interpretation of
historical time (Cooke & Kumar,
2020). As a result, there is some overlap across the periods. While the imaginary of community is consistent within each period and is held together by its own internal logic; these imaginaries shift over time (and so, across periods). This periodization is derived from the object of study (
Ibid.)—in this case, imaginary of community—and the sources. As with other analytically structured history, the periodization is not imposed on basis of an external historical events; instead, the interplay between internal organizational events and the wider context determines the shift from one period to the next (Rowlinson et al.,
2014). The periodization provides not only the analytic framework of the article, but also guides its narrative.
Before presenting the historical periods itself, a brief, historical overview of the Tata Group and its philanthropy follows.
Tata Group and Their Philanthropy: An Overview
The Tata Group was founded in 1868 by Jamsetji N. Tata (1839–1904). Born in a Parsi family from Navsari (modern-day Gujarat), Tata made his early fortune trading in commodities such as cotton and opium. In 1877, he ventured into the textile mill business, laying the foundation of a modern global conglomerate. Today, the Tata Group is active in industries as diverse as automobiles, aviation, chemicals, consulting, energy, hospitality, retail, and steel. It employs over 720,000 people worldwide, with annual revenue of US$113 billion in 2018–2019. Jamsetji N. Tata’s elder son Dorab J. Tata (1859–1932) is widely credited with the growth of the Group. He established Tatas’ businesses in industries such as power, iron, and steel. The Group’s expansion in the second half of the twentieth century was led by Jehangir R. D. Tata (1904–1993; popularly known as J. R. D. Tata). Under his leadership, the Group grew spectacularly diversifying into businesses such as automobiles, aviation, information technology, and tea. In 1991, the Group’s reins were taken over Ratan N. Tata (
b. 1937) who is credited with the global expansion of Tatas’ businesses. Compared to other business families from India, the Tata Group and its leaders are often credited for their contribution to India’s economic growth and development (Tripathi & Jumani,
2007; Lala,
1984,
2004,
2006; Witzel,
2010; Worden,
2003).
Sixty-six percent of the Group’s holding company, Tata Sons, is owned collectively by the Tata Trusts. The Tata Trusts comprise of two leading and several associated Trusts. The leading Trusts are: Sir Ratan Tata Trust (founded in 1919) and Sir Dorabji Tata Trust (founded in 1932) popularly known as SRTT and SDTT respectively, they have significantly larger resources and are more broad-based both in the nature of development they fund (education, health, livelihoods, etc.) and how they fund it (endowments, grants, etc.). The associated Trusts are smaller and more focussed in their philanthropy, including inter alia, J. N. Tata Endowment Fund (1892; higher education); Bai Hirabai J. N. Tata Navsari Charitable Institution (1923; primarily for the benefit of Parsis living in Navasari); Lady Tata Memorial Trust (1932; research on leukaemia and other diseases); Navajbai Ratan Tata Trust (1974; supports SRTT); and J. R. D. and Thelma J. Tata Trust (1991; women’s empowerment), etc. Cumulatively, the Trusts disbursed US$ 115.26 mn in 2020–2021, which is indicative of the size of their philanthropy. It is also worth adding here that the financial disbursals made by the various Trusts are distinct from the CSR of individual companies of the Tata Group. The Trusts use a combination of institutional endowments (although this has become much smaller compared to the scale of endowments made by the Trusts in the first half of the 20th c.); programme grants (commonly made to NGOs, think tanks, and community organizations); and individual grants (mainly educational and medical grants made to those in need).
Next, I present the periodization of imaginaries of community derived from the history of Tatas’ philanthropy for community development.
Development’s New Moral Order: A Discussion
Drawing on the periodization of community’s imaginaries presented above, in this section I explain the shifts in it.
As part of development, Tatas’ philanthropy sought to attain modernization, which involved the production of a new kind of moral order in society (Taylor,
2004). This required, first and foremost, dismantling of the pre-existing social order, organized largely along kinship lines and which involved philanthropy as tributes to the contemporary governing regime (Haynes,
1987). Abandoning kinship-based charity favoured by his father, Nusserwanji, Jamsetji Tata sought to move away from promoting such narrow sectional interests. However, the abandonment of earlier forms of kinship-based charity faced formidable resistance from within the kinship-based community.
Expectedly so, Tata’s unrestricted “constructive philanthropy” was not always appreciated within their own Parsi community. In 1900, for example, there was considerable opposition to Tata’s proposal to locate the IISc outside Bombay. In response, Tata promised to establish the Institute in Bombay provided the Municipal Commission contributed Rs. 100,000 to supplement his additional endowment of Rs. 50,000 each year for the next ten years. The Parsi elite in Bombay rejected the proposal, since it wanted to draw exclusive benefits from Tata’s liberality and not have to share it with members from any other communities.
22 To such opposition from within his Parsi community, Tata noted his preference for
constructive philanthropy which seeks to educate and develop the faculties of the best of our young men. And if this is to be done, what I ask my-fellow Parsees is: ‘What difference is it to them whether it is exclusively to their benefit or open to all?’ (cited from Lala,
2006, p. 113).
Similarly, in the case of the J. N. Endowment Fund, there were attempts to steer its support more extensively towards Parsis only. As late as 1935, for example, the Fund was approached by the Parsi Panchayat to investigate scope for exclusive scholarships for the higher education of Parsi students overseas. On this, the Fund’s trustees discussed that theirs was a “cosmopolitan trust”. Nevertheless, it decided to award an annual grant of Rs. 10,000 from 1936 onwards on the condition that the Trust will receive the applications directly from Parsi students and make selection autonomously.
23 The shift from a pre-existing social order to a new moral order was justified by the Tatas as part of national advancement. Emplaced as a higher and desirable goal, “national advancement”, or “national development” supplied the legitimacy that made the shift from kinship-based charity to secular philanthropy welcome, even necessary. Notwithstanding Jamsetji N. Tata’s reluctance to support political nationalism openly (Palsetia,
2003), national development did nonetheless provide a new logic that impelled his “constructive philanthropy”.
Initially limited to “just an idea in the minds of some influential thinkers”, the new moral order and modernization needed to be disseminated further before it could gather enough momentum to “shape the social imaginary of large strata” (Taylor,
2004, p. 2). Tatas’ embrace of the
community of gifted sought to build such an elite cadre of administrators, demographers, engineers, innovators and scientists, who could be entrusted with the task of national development. These new ‘leaders’ were expected both to indigenize the colonial administration, but more importantly, to be trained in preparedness for the future, as and when Indians could govern themselves; whose new institutions would reflect the “spirit of progress or, a synonym, modernity” (Chatterjee,
1986, p. 133). In preparation of which, its elites such as the Tatas funded the development of “the ‘scientific’ understanding of society and history” (
Ibid.: 144). The “scientific” understanding of society necessitated, first and foremost, new disciplinary knowledges—applied and reform-orientated. Through their endowment for a research chair at LSE, and more concertedly in founding institutions such as TISS and DCTR (later known as IIPS), the Tatas complemented the efforts of the Indian nation-state in producing the necessary disciplinary knowledge, based on ‘scientific’ methods, to contribute to contemporary efforts in the delivery of social justice (Kumar,
2018).
However, it was not sufficient to attain “national advancement” or build the new moral order without transforming the wider society. Starting from the 1950s, Tatas’ philanthropy committed itself to extending its imaginary to the wider society, which needed “to be disciplined, but with the aim of inducing self-discipline” (Taylor,
2004, p. 44). Through subsidiary institutions such as the RWB, TRC, and later in partnership with other NGOs supported by the Tata Trusts, communities were now imagined (recall Taylor’s “ontic” attribute of imaginary) through self-help and responsibility. Here, individual lives were imagined in their relationship with each other and society. As “self-disciplined, honest, imaginative, entrepreneurial people”, they became the cornerstone of the new moral order, where they were expected to no longer be lazy (Taylor,
2004, p. 150). This individualization of society has intensified under neoliberalism as it became the dominant development theory (Brohman,
1995). There was a growing push towards individualization of citizenship and production of market-ready citizens as community was imagined though economically productive members (Brown,
2005).
Thus far, I have focussed on the shifts in imaginaries of community as part of the production of a new ‘modern’ moral order in society, in the name of India’s development. Although distinct, there were also some similarities which lent coherence to the analytic construct under discussion here, i.e., the community. I would argue that despite the shifts in community imaginaries, they were part of the extension of modern institutions and their principles both “below and beyond” the business elites as well as to other realms of society (Taylor,
2004, p. 147).
However, the dissemination and percolation of the modern, beyond the narrow strata of business and social elites, required its wider legitimacy and acceptance. Despite its exclusions and violence (only some of which are chronicled in the literature review, above), modernization has remained a powerful force in development. How might we explain its appeal? I would argue that the wider acceptance of modernization despite its destructive force rested on individual members of the society developing a new sense of belonging to the
imagined community, that is, the nation. In a way never quite seen before, it introduced a simultaneity that came to define society as a whole. That is, in the
new imagined nation, different events simultaneously marked the lives of different people (Anderson,
2006; Taylor,
2004). The simultaneity helped link people hitherto separated by history, geography, and economy; and was cultivated variously through maps, censuses, parades, and monuments.
The Tatas similarly hoped to cultivate simultaneity. From Jamshedpur’s canteens where the workers dined together to self-help collectives of the poor learning and practising scientific agriculture, Tatas’ imagined communities where there was a strong “horizontal comradeship” (Anderson,
2006, p. 7) among its members. Despite the lack of mutual familiarity among the members of the nation, it ensured that “in the minds of each lives the image of their communion” (
Ibid.: 6).
That the sameness was restricted and that there was no attempt at establishing sameness when it came to questions of caste, gender, and class-based relationships within the community (as is evident from Tatas’ philanthropy) was justifiable as long as the larger national interest was being served (Kumar,
2021; Taylor,
2004). National advancement, nation-building, or national development—we can call it by any of its several names—the nation’s modernization provided the ultimate reason for the large scale but selective transformation of Indian society (even as it left the realms of caste, family, religion, etc. intact). It functioned, discursively, ideologically, and materially, as a desirable objective worth pursuing. From loosening the hold of kinship-based order and replacing it with newly trained administrators, scientists, social scientists, technicians, etc., new communities were imagined and deemed necessary because they were crucial for national advancement. “Traditional” communities were modernized in the name of development and irrespective of its fallouts deemed necessary as long as it was in the nation’s interest. Notwithstanding the internal contradictions and exclusions, the nation, thus, provided the power that drove the myth of progress or development.
Contributions
In this article, I have outlined how modernization—in the name of development—is sustained, despite its exclusions and now familiar criticisms. Using business elites’ philanthropy from late nineteenth century to the present, I outline how “modernizing elite” (Bernstein,
1971, p. 145)—to his list of politicians, bureaucrats, intellectuals, and military leaders, we should add business elites—have played a leading role in the production of a new moral order which necessitated shifts in the social imaginaries of community. Common to the shifts in the imaginaries of community were ideas of sameness and simultaneity (Anderson,
2006; Taylor,
2004). This is the article’s central contribution.
The article makes two further contributions.
The Tatas are widely considered as exemplars in the field of business ethics, including here in
JBE. For example, some scholars have commended its founder, Jamsetji N. Tata as an early exemplar of stakeholder welfare (Sivakumar,
2008); while others have acknowledged the integration of Gandhian trusteeship at individual, organizational, and institutional levels within the Tata Group (Balakrishnan et al.,
2017). Still others have noted how ethical codes and decision-making guidelines enable an ethical culture at Tata Steel, one of its more prominent companies, and more widely within the Group (Elankumaran et al.,
2005). Problematizing such scholarship, I call attention to the predominance of elites’ imaginaries over that of others. As scholars of business ethics engage more substantively with the global challenge of inequalities (Beal & Astakhova,
2017; Rauf & Prasad,
2020), it is imperative that we identify, challenge, and move past such elite and elitist formulations of ethics and sites where they are practised. This becomes all the more important given the significance of community as a prominent site of business ethics. Extant scholarship, for example, has paid considerable attention to the role of businesses in community development—from strategies for community engagement (Bowen et al.,
2010; Liu et al.,
2013), its effectiveness, and contingent factors (Brammer & Millington,
2003). However, relatively little attention has been paid to what or who constitutes a community (Kapelus,
2002; Littlewood,
2014 are notable exceptions). The article’s second contribution, therefore, is in bringing into relief how business elites have imagined and reified conceptions of community, historically. That is, even though much of the field of business ethics continues to imagine ‘community’ as if outside or different from the businesses themselves, I have argued that through their philanthropy, business elites’ have periodically sought to reimagine community, with very limited input or engagement with the members of the community itself.
Notwithstanding the increasingly global nature of businesses, internationally, the nation has remained an influential force that has shaped Tatas’ philanthropy and in turn its ethics (Kumar,
2021; Worden,
2003; also see Saifer,
2020 for a similar acknowledgement from the Canadian context). Taking an historical approach, the article’s third contribution is that even though the community’s imaginaries shifted over time, these shifts were deemed desirable, even necessary, because they were in the wider national interests. In doing so, business elites such as the Tatas continued their pursuit of selective sameness and simultaneity in pursuit of modernization—all the while remaining silent on its limits and exclusions, most notably on the question of caste and gender, for example. Even when ethical concerns warranted otherwise, modernization continued apace as long as it was in the national interest. The article’s third contribution is in calling attention to the problematization of the national question.
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