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Published in: Social Choice and Welfare 1/2021

19-06-2020 | Original Paper

Polarization and inefficient information aggregation under strategic voting

Author: Tomoya Tajika

Published in: Social Choice and Welfare | Issue 1/2021

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Abstract

We study a model of two-candidate electoral competition. In our model, each voter has single-peaked preferences for the consequences of policies, but voters receive only partial information about which policies cause their preferred consequences. If voters’ utility functions are convex, they prefer risk, which implies that a safe alternative may not be chosen even when this alternative results in the median voter’s preferred consequence with a probability of one. We provide a necessary and sufficient condition for the existence of a strategic voting equilibrium in which a risky policy that causes polarized consequences defeats the median voter’s preferred alternative. Even when the convexity of voters’ utility functions is weak, which means that policy polarization is socially undesirable, if voters are likely to receive insufficient information, the chosen policy is still polarized. In that case, social welfare is minimized. However, proposals by sufficiently well-informed candidates can eliminate the uncertainty of risky policies through a signaling effect, which, in turn, eliminates the perverse consequences.

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Appendix
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Footnotes
1
See for example, Nordqvist (2017).
 
2
There are many answers to this question. See Sect. 2 for the related studies.
 
3
Some empirical studies suggest that voters are poorly informed. See, for example, Converse (2000) for a survey.
 
4
The author acknowledges the suggestion from an anonymous reviewer for this example.
 
5
See, for example, Kendall et al. (2015). Chen et al. (2017) discuss the convex utility functions of judges over decisions in court. They show that assuming a convex utility function over ideological issues is compatible with empirical facts regarding the US courts of appeals.
 
6
For examples of classical studies, see Coughlin and Nitzan (1981); Ledyard (1984).
 
7
We also note that when utility functions are sufficiently convex, extreme reforms maximize social welfare, and, in that case, electoral competition achieves efficiency in terms of social welfare.
 
8
These studies are discussed in the next subsection.
 
9
See also footnote 7.
 
10
Feddersen and Pesendorfer (1996) show that uninformed voters would abstain even if voting is costless. They call this phenomenon the “swing voters’ curse.”
 
11
Related to this point, in the model of Kim and Fey (2007), each voter learns the true state of the world with certainty or receives no information, which is also in contrast to our setting where the precision of information differs by voter.
 
12
Razin (2003) discusses the role of the signaling motive of voters. Martinelli (2006) considers costly information acquisition. Mandler (2012) and Tajika (2019) consider cases of precision uncertainty of voters’ information. Acharya (2016) considers a reform in income redistribution policy where the state of the world decides the value of the reform for low-income voters. In Acharya (2016), as in Ali et al. (2017), uninformed voters also play an important role. Ellis (2016) assumes that voters care only about the worst-case scenario.
 
13
For studies of elections with partisan candidates, see, for instance, Schultz (1996); Martinelli (2001).
 
14
Otherwise, \(c=0\) necessarily wins the election.
 
15
Meirowitz (2006) and Kim and Fey (2007) assume similar preferences.
 
16
We can also consider a setting in which each realized signal precision is known to all. In such a case, we achieve similar results by considering a mixed strategy equilibrium.
 
17
Note that policies 1 and \(-1\) are symmetric apart from the distribution of voters’ bliss point. Then, to discuss the case in which R proposes 1, it is sufficient to change \(k_1\) for \(k_{-1}\) in the following analyses.
 
18
Note that under Assumption 1, focusing on the equilibrium in undominated strategies implies that \(\mathrm {Pr}(z_R=n\mathrel {|}\omega )>0\) for each \(\omega \in \{-1,1\}\).
 
19
Note that the domain of the integrations is (1/2, 1). If there is no room for confusion, we omit the bounds.
 
20
This condition remains the same even when R proposes 1 instead of \(-1\). See the proof for details.
 
21
This result is in contrast to those of Shepsle (1972) and Aragonés and Postlewaite (2002). These authors assume sincere voting.
 
22
For each event E, \(I(E)=1\) if E is true, and, otherwise, \(I(E)=0\).
 
23
Even when \(\xi\) is sufficiently large, we can also show the existence of a centralized equilibrium by considering the following off-path BNE: if candidate R(D) deviates, type \(-1\)(type 1)-preferring BNE occurs.
 
24
The plurality rule is used as the election rule in this case. In the case of a tie, the candidates who received the equal highest number of votes are elected with equal probability.
 
25
As an exception, Ali et al. (2017) consider a version of a model that allows for correlation between policy preferences and information quality. They show that this correlation amplifies the failure of information aggregation.
 
26
As we discussed in footnote 17, note that to analyze the case in which R proposes 1, it is sufficient to exchange \(k_1\) for \(k_{-1}\). Then, it is easy to see that the same condition is sufficient to guarantee the existence of unique \(\gamma ^*\in (1/y,y)\).
 
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Metadata
Title
Polarization and inefficient information aggregation under strategic voting
Author
Tomoya Tajika
Publication date
19-06-2020
Publisher
Springer Berlin Heidelberg
Published in
Social Choice and Welfare / Issue 1/2021
Print ISSN: 0176-1714
Electronic ISSN: 1432-217X
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s00355-020-01270-2

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