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04-09-2021

Prospects for Realizing International Women’s Rights Law Through Local Governance: the Case of Cities for CEDAW

Authors: Anne Sisson Runyan, Rebecca Sanders

Published in: Human Rights Review | Issue 3/2021

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Abstract

How best to realize international human rights law in practice has proved a vexing problem. The challenge is compounded in the USA, which has not ratified several treaties including the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). The Cities for CEDAW movement addresses this deficit by encouraging cities to endorse and implement CEDAW norms. In doing so, it seeks to catalyze a local boomerang effect, whereby progressive political momentum at the local level generates internal pressure from below to improve gender equity outcomes across the country and eventually, at the national level. In this article, we trace the diffusion of Cities for CEDAW activism with attention to the case of Cincinnati and analyze its implications for advancing women’s rights principles. We argue that while Cities for CEDAW has potential to enhance respect for women’s rights in local jurisdictions, its impact on national policy remains limited.

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Footnotes
1
The Holy See, Iran, Palau, Somalia, Sudan, and Tonga have also failed to ratify CEDAW.
 
2
Our direct involvement with the campaign positions us in the tradition of participatory action research, which suggests that “insiders have special advantages when it comes to doing research in their own sites and to investigating practices that hold their work and lives together in those sites” (Kemmis, McTaggart, and Nixon 2014: p. 5). Such research “conducted by participants is oriented to making improvements in practices and their settings by the participants themselves” (Kemmis, McTaggart, and Nixon 2014: p. 4).
 
3
Malliga Och (2018: p. 440) suggests briefly that Cities for CEDAW could be viewed as promoting a “reversed boomerang pattern.” However, we do not see Cities for CEDAW as reversing the traditional boomerang pattern per se as it still frames its work in relation to an external international treaty to improve national policy. Instead, our concept of a local boomerang effect better captures the campaign’s emphasis on an alternative and internal leaver of horizontal diffusion to change conditions, but also hopefully policy, nationally.
 
4
As maintenance of the Cities for CEDAW website depends on volunteers, this data may not be fully up-to-date.
 
5
The nine-member, Democratic-majority Cincinnati City Council unanimously passed these ordinances. The fact that similar-sized Midwest cities had adopted either a resolution (Louisville) or an ordinance (Pittsburgh), effective lobbying by local women’s organizations, and funding pledges for the proposed gender study from coalition organizations and University of Cincinnati sources all facilitated passage. Contrary to the claim made by Och (2018: p. 438), the Cincinnati ordinances authorizing a gender study and task force do invoke CEDAW as a source of inspiration for them (just as the prior resolution referred to CEDAW). Like most other local ordinances, CEDAW appears more as what Och (2018) calls a “framing” device rather than a “grafting” one in which actual CEDAW language is used to fashion local law.
 
6
The study, Gender Equality Analysis of the Municipal Government of the City of Cincinnati, was reviewed by the the Institutional Review Board at the University of Cincinnati, Study ID: 2017–3977.
 
7
This coalition emerged out of class project assigned in a city planning course offered by feminist sociologist Jan Fritz in the School of Planning at the University of Cincinnati. Fritz (2018) has recently written about the optimal organizing strategies for local Cities for CEDAW campaigns and the value of keeping close connections with the national initiative and the Commission on the Status of Women in the UN to which it is linked, given how women’s experiences at UN conferences and gatherings provided the impetus and ongoing support for local activism.
 
8
Cincinnati contributed $8000 toward its gender study, with additional funds procured from local NGOs and the University of Cincinnati, compared to $100,000 in city funding for San Francisco’s CEDAW Task Force in just its first year (Hagood Lee 2019, p. 12).
 
9
These dynamics resulted in a federally mandated and now model police-community collaborative agreement after the police killing of an unarmed Black teenager in 2001.
 
10
All employees of targeted departments were surveyed, with the following response rates. Police: 490 responses (37.8%) of which 71% were white and 35% were females; fire: 333 responses (35.7%) of which 77% were white and 11% were females; health: 212 responses (40.3%) of which 56% were white and 90% were females; development: 43 responses (55.8%) of which 56% were white and 52% were females; city planning: 10 responses (83.3%) of which 86% were white and 71% were females.
 
11
Twelve informants including police officers, the city prosecutor, and DV experts at the survivor social service agency Women Helping Women were interviewed over the course of our research on the policing.
 
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Metadata
Title
Prospects for Realizing International Women’s Rights Law Through Local Governance: the Case of Cities for CEDAW
Authors
Anne Sisson Runyan
Rebecca Sanders
Publication date
04-09-2021
Publisher
Springer Netherlands
Published in
Human Rights Review / Issue 3/2021
Print ISSN: 1524-8879
Electronic ISSN: 1874-6306
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s12142-021-00635-z

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