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2016 | OriginalPaper | Chapter

4. Scripting Crime Against Business

Author : Harald Haelterman

Published in: Crime Script Analysis

Publisher: Palgrave Macmillan UK

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Abstract

In this fourth chapter, it is argued that crime script analysis can prove to be a useful tool to assist management and crime prevention practitioners in assuring that the required controls to mitigate crime are in place and fit for purpose. It links the scripting exercise to (enterprise) risk management and goes on to explore the main building blocks and key features of a somewhat simplified scripting methodology tailored to those tasked with designing or redesigning controls in a workplace environment. Using a step-by-step approach, it further shows how to develop and visualize a proper crime script, how to identify potential intervention points and what to take into consideration when selecting or (re)designing the most adequate preventive controls. Prior to touching upon each of these topics, this chapter will first position script analysis in the wider context of (crime) risk management.

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Footnotes
1
COSO—the Committee of Sponsoring Organisations of the Treadway Commission—is a joint initiative of five private sector organizations and is dedicated to providing thought leadership through the development of frameworks and guidance on enterprise risk management, internal control and fraud deterrence. For more info, see www.​coso.​org
 
2
‘Threat’ and ‘risk’ are often incorrectly used interchangeably. ‘Risk’ is rather a product of ‘threat’ and ‘harm’, with threat usually taken to represent the probability of harm being realized (see e.g. Tusikov and Fahlman 2009: 148; Hamilton-Smith and Mackenzie 2010: 261).
 
5
Probabilistic techniques include ‘at-risk’ models (e.g. value at risk, cash flow at risk, and earning at risk), assessment of loss events, and back-testing. They measure the likelihood and impact of a range of outcomes based on distributional assumptions of the behaviour of events (COSO 2004: 38).
 
6
Commonly used non-probabilistic techniques are sensitivity analysis, scenario analysis, and stress testing. Contrary to probabilistic techniques, they are used to quantify the impact of a potential risk event but do not assign likelihood of event occurrence (COSO 2004: 41).
 
7
Benchmarking techniques are used as they can provide management insight into the likelihood or impact of risks based on experiences of other organisations. They can equally be applied internally, for example, to compare measures of one department or division with others of the same entity (COSO 2004: 44).
 
8
In attempting to develop a more comprehensive typology of repeat victimization, Farrell and Pease (2008: 121) distinguish between various types of repeats, acknowledging that, in practice, many of them overlap and more than one will be present for any given crime. In their typology of repeats, ‘tactical repeats’ are referred to as repeats where the same tactics are being applied. Other types of repeats include ‘spatial’, ‘temporal’ and ‘crime-type’ repeats (Farrell and Pease 2008: 122).
 
9
This phenomenon is also referred to as ‘near repeats’.
 
10
In the case of repeat victimization by the same offender, it is argued, this offender often has a very precise script activated which involves no search time and no capable guardian, as the target is already known in advance (Bouloukos and Farrell 1997: 226). If measures have been put in place to prevent repeat victimization, however, this anticipated script is interrupted, which may cause the offender to desist (at least until a new plan can be formulated) or to give up entirely (Ibid.).
 
11
Leclerc (in Ekblom and Gill 2015) refers to a script as ‘a journey into the head of the offender during the commission of a crime’, a journey that holds the potential to reveal the offender’s motives as well as other previously unseen situational aspects.
 
12
Connecting procedural analysis of crime with the wider “human factors” literature on performance errors’, according to Ekblom and Gill (2015), may significantly extend the scope of situational crime prevention. Errors in performance that are due to incompetence, yet according to Ekblom and Gill (Ibid.), may stem from ‘failure to select the script best able to meet the agent’s goals in that situation; failure to understand that improvisation, not stereotyped response, is necessary in particular circumstances; failure to combine script elements in appropriate sequence; or failure in execution’.
 
13
As Cornish (1994: 169) points out, ‘the potential cost-effectiveness of crime prevention strategies that can address crime “genera” rather than crime “species” makes it tempting to pursue generalization to ever-higher levels of abstraction’. By doing so, however, one may overlook the complexity of much crime as well as the impact of the situational conditions that impact crime commission in its specific setting.
 
14
In an attempt to define how crime scripts should be developed and what information should be included, Borrion identifies the following 12 quality assurance criteria: typology, traceability, transparency, consistency, context, completeness, parsimony, precision, uncertainty, usability, ambiguity, and accuracy. Yet according to Borrion (2013), these criteria are aimed at supporting the specification, verification, and validation of functional requirements for control measures.
 
15
Based on a qualitative analysis of 1889 posts, the authors were able to identify a number of key processes and actors including sellers, buyers, suppliers, moderators, administrators, and teachers (Hutchings and Holt 2014: 15–16).
 
16
This particular study further included a detailed assessment of several open-source case studies (Gilmour 2014: 40).
 
17
In this respect, however, it is worth noting that offenders, victims, witnesses, or crime controllers do not always provide accurate accounts of their own perceptions, actions and decision making (see also Eck and Weisburd 1995: 18), which means that data obtained from these parties will often need to be verified with that retrieved from other sources.
 
18
Ekblom and Gill (2015) define ‘agents’ as people in general with offenders being a specific subset.
 
19
As Cornish (1994: 156) point outs, identifying the time scales involved may prove to be very difficult as some opportunities noted on one particular occasion may be exploited at a much later date. Similarly, a variety of preliminary activities may be carried out over a period of days, weeks, or even longer before the actual crime event (Cornish 1994: 156).
 
20
In their analysis of the online market for stolen data, Hutchings and Holt note that although their study is based primarily on stolen data markets, some aspects of the script process may also be applicable to other online black markets such as those that specialize in drugs or weapons (Hutchings and Holt 2014: 16).
 
21
According to the authors, ‘behaviors that are observable and can be identified as common patterns in sexual offending represent excellent targets for the development of prevention efforts involving parents, family members, professionals and community members’ (Kaufman et al. 2006: 106).
 
22
Organized crime is a classic example of a crime type where multiple offenders are involved.
 
23
According to Madensen (2007, in Eck and Guerette 2012: 358), place managers have four main functions. They organize the physical environment, regulate conduct, control access, and acquire resources. They make decisions about the physical and social environment of places and may produce crime by failing to take the right decisions (or to take no decisions at all).
 
24
As Ekblom and Gill (2015) continue, the competence–performance distinction is central to linking functional and causal perspectives on behaviour sequences. Its practical significance ‘resides in understanding and influencing how offenders acquire, develop and evolve procedural competences as resources for committing crime’ and in ‘how competence is converted into performance on specific occasions’ (Ekblom and Gill 2015). ‘The versatility of competences and the capacity for improvisation where these reach the limits of their scope during performance both determine the adaptability of offenders’ (Ibid.).
 
25
As argued by Ekblom and Gill (2015), an understanding of scripts can be far richer if the ‘traditional crime science focus on decisions’ would be extended to incorporate dual-process thinking and behaviour, meaning a focus on both a ‘frequent, unconscious, habitual process’ as well as on a ‘rarer, narrow-capacity, deliberative process’.
 
26
In this section, ‘controls’ and ‘measures’ are used interchangeably.
 
27
See also Haelterman (2009, 2011, 2013) and Haelterman et al. (2012) for more detail.
 
28
As argued by Bowers and Johnson (2003), research indicates that crime displacement is not a necessary outcome of crime prevention activity, and it is also possible that crime reduction schemes may have a diffusion of benefits. Furthermore, it has been argued that even where displacement occurs, there may be some benefit to this (e.g. offenders choosing to commit less serious types of crimes than those prevented). A systematic review of 102 evaluations of situational crime prevention initiatives by Guerette and Bowers (2009) further supports the view that crime does not necessarily relocate in the aftermath of situational interventions.
 
29
According to Clarke and Weisburd (1994, in Johnson et al. 2012: 338), crime-control benefits might be diffused through two mechanisms. First, as offenders will rarely be aware of the full scope and boundaries of a preventive intervention, they may overestimate its coverage and perceive an unjustified increase in the risk of being apprehended. Second, offenders may perceive the effort required to seek alternative opportunities (i.e. opportunities outside the scope of the intervention), or the effort associated with targeting those that are more difficult to attack as a result of the intervention, as outweighing the perceived benefits (Clarke and Weisburd 1994, in Johnson et al. 2012: 339).
 
30
Improved customer loyalty and employee commitment, higher supply chain visibility and improved efficiency are just some examples of beneficial side effects (or ‘collateral benefits’) that are frequently referred to in literature as resulting from the introduction of (anti-terrorism) supply chain security measures (Tyska and Fennelly 2001; Rice and Spayd 2005; Peleg-Gillai et al. 2006).
 
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Metadata
Title
Scripting Crime Against Business
Author
Harald Haelterman
Copyright Year
2016
Book
Crime Script Analysis

Print ISBN: 978-1-137-54612-8

Electronic ISBN: 978-1-137-54613-5

Copyright Year: 2016

DOI
https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-54613-5_4