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2021 | OriginalPaper | Chapter

5. Sobyanin’s Moscow in 2011–2018: Antagonism—Platonism—Agonism

Authors : Marina Glaser, Ivan Krivushin

Published in: Moscow's Evolution as a Political Space

Publisher: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

This chapter discusses Moscow’s political evolution from 2010 to 2018 under Mayor Sergei Sobyanin. It demonstrates why the Moscow political turned into the aesthetic, visually marking the qualitative differences between the Luzhkov and Sobyanin epochs, and how the capital evolved from the center of anti-Kremlin activities to a pro-Kremlin zone. The chapter reveals the most important moments and factors in this evolution, including the role of the “Crimean success” and the trend toward personifying Russian politics. It also tries to explain the causes of the protest wave of 2011–2013 and the rise of Alexei Navalny as the main leader of the opposition movement in Russia. And, finally, the chapter considers the influence and impact that the “physical” expansion of Moscow in 2012 by including a part of the rural periphery around it had on the political situation in the capital city. The authors conclude that, by the end of the 2010s, Moscow remained one of the most unreliable and dangerous bricks in the political building constructed by Vladimir Putin.

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previous chapter Luzhkov’s Moscow: Antagonism—Agonism—Platonism
next chapter Conclusion: The Nature of the Moscow Political
Footnotes
1
On this movement, see Aron (2012), Greene (2014), Chaisty and Whitefield (2013), Robertson (2013), and Volkov (2015).
 
2
A Caucasian folk dance.
 
3
8% of Muscovites expressed their intention to vote for Grigory Yavlinsky, the founder of the “Yabloko” party, 7%—for Gennady Gudkov.
 
4
In Moscow Oblast, on the contrary, the share of those supporting the merger increased from 39% (versus 42%) in August 2008 to 62% (versus 28%) in August 2011 (Levada-Tsentr 2011h).
 
5
On the 2014 Moscow Duma elections, see Buzin et al. (2015).
 
6
His favorable rating among native Muscovites also increased, but not so significantly (to 49% in October 2018), while among newcomers remained at about the same level (58% in April, 60% in October).
 
7
At the same time, the percentage of those who decided not to vote and those “unlikely to vote” also rose, although not so significantly: from 26 to 28% (Levada-Tsentr 2018b).
 
8
On Alexei Navalny's electoral campaign in 2018, see Dollbaum et al. (2018).
 
9
One of the capital's most prestigious suburbs.
 
10
A town with high concentrations of research and development facilities.
 
11
The only opposition councilor was independent Elena Vereshchagina, supported by the United Democrats coalition of Dmitry Gudkov and Maxim Katz.
 
12
Environmental activist Andrey Karpetkin, Elena Belozerova, Tatyana Utva.
 
Literature
Aron, Leon. 2012. Russia’s Protesters: The People, Ideals, and Prospects. Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute.
Blakkisrud, Helge, and Pål Kolstø. 2018. ‘Restore Moscow to the Muscovites’: Othering ‘the Migrants’ in the 2013 Moscow Mayoral Elections. In Russia Before and After Crimea Book Subtitle: Nationalism and Identity, 2010–17, ed. Helge Blakkisrud and Pål Kolstø, 213–235. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.
Buzin, Andrey, Arkady Lyubarev, and Nikolay Khrust. 2015. Vybory stolichnye (2014). Vzglyad ehkspertov. Moscow: Centr «Panorama».
Chaisty, Paul, and Stephen Whitefield. 2013. Forward to Democracy or Back to Authoritarianism? The Attitudinal Bases of Mass Support for the Russian Election Protests of 2011–2012. Post-Soviet Affairs 29 (5): 387–403.CrossRef
Dollbaum, Jan Matti, Andrey Semenov, and Elena Sirotkina. 2018. A Top-Down Movement with Grass-Roots Effects? Alexei Navalny’s Electoral Campaign. Social Movement Studies 17 (5): 618–625.CrossRef
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Greene, Samuel A. 2013. Beyond Bolotnaia Bridging Old and New in Russia’s Election Protest Movement. Problems of Post-Communism 60 (2): 40–52.CrossRef
Greene, Samuel A. 2014. Moscow in Movement: Power and Opposition in Putin’s Russia. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
Ivanov, Il.’ya, and Ol.’ga Zueva. 2015. Ispol’zovanie internet-tekhnologiy v predvybornoy bor’be (na primere izbiratel’noy kampanii na post mehra g[oroda] Moskvy, 2013 g[od]). Vestnik Moskovskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta im[eni] M.A Sholokhova 3: 66–72.
Ivanov, Maksim, and Veronika Vishnyakova. 2012. Moskvichi khotyat ubrat’ vlast’ za MKAD na novye territorii. Kommersant 132 (July 20).
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Robertson, Graeme. 2013. Protesting Putinism The Election Protests of 2011–2012 in Broader Perspective. Problems of Post-Communism 60 (2): 11–23.CrossRef
Volkov, Denis. 2012. Protestnye mitingi v Rossii kontsa 2011 — nachala 2012 gg.: Zapros na demokratizatsiyu politicheskikh institutov. Vestnik Obshchestvennogo Mneniya 2 (112): 73–86.
Volkov, Denis. 2015. The Protest Movement in Russia 2011–2013: Sources, Dynamics and Structures. In Systemic and Non-Systemic Opposition in the Russian Federation: Civil Society Awakens?, ed. Cameron Ross, 35–50. Farnham and Burlington: Ashgate.
Yampol’skij, Mikhail. 2018. Park kul’tury: Kul’tura i nasilie v Moskve segodnya. Moscow: Novoe izdatel’stvo.
Zimmerman, William. 2014. Ruling Russia: Authoritarianism from the Revolution to Putin. Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press.
Metadata
Title
Sobyanin’s Moscow in 2011–2018: Antagonism—Platonism—Agonism
Authors
Marina Glaser
Ivan Krivushin
Copyright Year
2021
Book
Moscow's Evolution as a Political Space

Print ISBN: 978-3-030-68672-7

Electronic ISBN: 978-3-030-68673-4

Copyright Year: 2021

DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-68673-4_5