2.3 Intercultural Competence
Comparable to social competence, intercultural competence has multiple theoretical approaches. Intercultural competence cannot be summarized as a single domain of competence, but is composed of a variety of different qualifications and skills. The definition of intercultural competence roots in an understanding of culture, as it plays an important role in relation to cultural circumstances and groups.
According to Thomas (
2005a), each individual strives for an orientation system in his/her environment. The own culture can provide this guidance. Culture offers people a sense of purpose, which can be transferred to many things and objects. This process happens mostly unconsciously and is influenced by the norms and values of the culture. The individual orientation system develops over the entire course of one’s lifetime. This development is called “enculturation” or “inclusion into culture” and causes the acquisition of relevant behavioral, perceptional, thinking and evaluation patterns enabling the individual to effectively navigate through the social environment. However, since the development of those patterns is subject to a learning process, the patterns are not static but can be adapted to change within different environments and during lifetime.
In order to obtain intercultural competence, intercultural learning is necessary. Thomas (
2005b) explains the three core obstacles needed to be overcome in intercultural contact situations. The demands of the own cultural orientation, the demands of the unfamiliar cultural orientation and the demands of the intercultural orientation. According to Thomas (
2005b) the characteristics of the foreign group and the ingroup have to be balanced. Therefore, intercultural competence is defined as the ability to assess the underlying cultural assumptions and influences in one’s own and foreign perceptions, feelings and actions. Further, intercultural competence includes knowledge about the foreign orientation system and the consequences of one’s actions in this system. In addition, an intercultural competent person has understanding and respect for foreign thinking and behavioral patterns. This way, the interaction of two intercultural competent individuals should lead to cooperative behavior (Thomas
2005b; Hatzer & Layes,
2005). Thus, intercultural competent behavior is reflected in the sum of performance, personal adaptation and intercultural interactions of people in multicultural settings. Analogous to the Big Five personality factors, van der Zee and van Oudenhoven (
2001) identified five personality traits that constitute intercultural competence in various settings: cultural empathy, openness, initiative, emotional stability, and flexibility. Cultural empathy is the ability to understand the thinking, behavior and feelings of culturally diverse people. Openness expresses an open and unprejudiced attitude towards cultural differences and new experiences. Initiative describes the active approach and shaping of social situations. Emotional stability is the ability to remain calm under new and stressful conditions. Flexibility means to interpret new situations as a positive challenge and wanting to adapt accordingly (van der Zee et al.,
2013). Therefore, the process of learning intercultural competence is considered complex and can only be accomplished over an enduring period. Dziedziewicz, Gajda and Karowski (
2014) showed that intercultural competence of children increased over time. However, they did not take sex as a potential predictor into account even though differences between men and women have been known for decades (Geary,
2010). Considering this, the study at hand considers both sex and age and raises the following hypothesis:
Hypothesis 1a: There are relations between participants’ age and sex and the social and intercultural competences.
In literature, there is a broad consensus that intercultural competence can only be obtained by getting into contact with other cultures (Genkova,
2019). Thus, experience is considered more important than age. Considering the high number of international students (Statista,
2019), the authors assume that studying at a university implies a strong increase in intercultural contact and therefore presume a higher intercultural competence for students than for pupils.
Hypothesis 1b: Students have higher intercultural competence than pupils.
Some educational institutions emphasize on their websites the facilitation of their students’ social competence via teamwork. During teamwork, team members have to cooperate, take responsibility and handle conflicts that can emerge during group work. Working in a team constitutes a complex social situation, which requires constant change between competition and cooperation. The two most important components of social competence, assertiveness and adaptation, are vital for successful teamwork. Yet, empirical evidence confirming the facilitation of social competence via teamwork and practical tasks is still lacking and up to now only theoretically supported (Kauffeld & Grote,
2000). A possible explanation amongst others is that teamwork is situation-dependent and difficult to assess (Bungard,
1995). Stürzl (
1992) assumes a higher learning ability in groups, since group members organize themselves to conciliate different needs of the individuals (social learning process). In general, students at universities of applied sciences are more practical orientated compared to students at universities. They benefit from practical semesters and smaller class sizes, whereas universities lectures are often held with more than 100 students (Mersch & Fricke,
2008).
However, in a study by Kauffeld and Grote (
2000) around 190 employees of 19 corporations discussed the potential of group work for facilitating social competence. No significant differences in social competence between employees who worked in a team, and those who did not, were obtained.
Furthermore, boundaries between universities of applied sciences and universities have become more and more fluid due to the Bologna reform of 2010. Universities began to introduce practical semesters and in turn, universities of applied sciences started to emphasize research (Mersch & Fricke,
2008). Therefore, no difference between types of universities is presumed.
Hypothesis 1c: There is no significant difference between the types of universities (i.e., universities of applied sciences and universities) regarding social competence.
There are parallels in the concepts of social and intercultural competences. In a cross-sectional study no relationships between intercultural competence and social competence were found. However, the different sub-dimensions of social competence were not taken into account (Genkova et al.,
2021). The degree of
social orientation, which is characterized by the ability to take the perception of others, might be related to the dimension of
cultural empathy. Cultural empathy describes an important aspect of intercultural competence and is expressed by the ability to identify thoughts, feelings and schemes of people from other cultures. Furthermore, willingness for contact or high levels of extraversion are crucial components of social and intercultural competence. In the field of social competence, extraversion counts as part of the scale offensiveness. Individuals high in offensiveness approach their fellow people. Within an unfamiliar cultural environment, they make contact and are ready to enter conflicts while prepared to solve them (Kauffeld & Grote,
2000). Emotionally stable people are less guided by emotions and keep calm even in stressful and unfamiliar situations. Furthermore, they are flexible and can adapt their behavior to new situations. Unfamiliar cultural circumstances require a high degree of emotional stability and flexibility (van der Zee et al.,
2013). Therefore, it can be expected that individuals with a high level of self-control also show a strong emotional stability and flexibility.
It becomes apparent that characteristics of social competence and intercultural competence are closely related. Hence, it is of high interest to examine the nature of the relationship (e.g., negative or positive, strength) between both constructs. Furthermore, the predictive power of social competence on intercultural competence is of interest. Based on this theoretical background, the following hypothesis is derived:
Hypothesis 2: Social competence predicts intercultural competence.
Since group members internalize convictions and values of the group through socialization, it is widely assumed that the group is also involved in the development of prejudices. Group membership does not necessarily predict the internalization of group specific prejudices, since each group member undergoes an individual personal development. However, prejudices against an outgroup can be used to enhance the individual sense of belonging and to strengthen self-esteem and social identity, respectively (Orth et al.,
1996). The perception of and identification with one’s own group seems to be an important factor for the level of intercultural competence. Thereby, national identity is of special importance for intercultural interaction processes. National identity describes the identification with one’s nation and the belonging to a certain country, respectively (Orth et al.,
1996). Recent research showed that pupils with a migration background were more rejected at school by their national classmates than pupils without a migration background. But classes with more than 66 % pupils with a migration background showed equal acceptance and rejection for immigrants and non-immigrants. It was concluded that the social context in a class has a greater influence on rejection and acceptance than the immigrants’ status. After a period of three years, the rejection was not existent anymore. Furthermore, pupils with a migration background were more accepted when they integrated themselves into the host culture (Asendorpf & Motti-Stefanidi,
2017). As national identification goes hand in hand with a stronger rejection of outgroup members (Asendorpf & Motti-Stefanidi,
2017), we assume national identification to relate weaker with levels of intercultural competence and stronger with expressions of intolerance towards the outgroup.
Hypothesis 3a: High identification with the national ingroup is negatively related to intercultural competence.
Hypothesis 3b: High identification with the national ingroup is positively related with intolerance towards other cultures.
Hypothesis 3c: Individuals with positive attitude values towards the outgroup have high values in openness towards other cultures (open-mindedness).
Further the willingness to interact with individuals from another culture is important in intercultural situations (Sam & Berry,
2011). The questions of whether an individual wants to maintain their own cultural background and whether he/she wants to interact with individuals from other cultures define an individual’s acculturation strategy (Berry,
1980 referring to Sam & Berry,
2011). As a result, four acculturation strategies can be distinguished: assimilation, separation, integration, and marginalization. Assimilation describes the strategy that an individual does not tend to maintain the own culture but wants to interact with other cultures. This may lead to a complete take-over of another culture’s values and norms. Separation implies that an individual does not want to get in contact with other cultures but maintains his or her own culture’s norms and values. Usually, this strategy does not lead to appropriate behavior when interacting with foreign cultures. Individuals who prefer to maintain their own norms and values but are also willing to interact with other cultures can adapt and act appropriately. This strategy is called integration and is considered the most effective and common strategy to deal with other cultures. Marginalization describes individuals who do not want to maintain their own culture nor have contact with a foreign culture. This strategy can have its roots in forced loss of culture or discrimination. Needham et. al. (
2017) showed that religious confession, household income, percentage of life spent in the USA and the level of English skills significantly predict the choice of acculturation strategy. Participants with no religious affiliation tended to pursue the assimilation rather than the separation strategy. A higher income led to the choice of the integration or assimilation rather than the separation strategy. Furthermore, poor English skills were more likely to lead to separation than to assimilation or integration.
In a study by Berry (
2005), data was collected from 13 different countries and it was demonstrated that the acculturation strategy “integration” was overall favored, whereas marginalization was less popular. Similarly, the majority of German participants chose the strategies of integration and assimilation, whereas separation and marginalization were chosen less. In the same study, national identification has been shown to be related to the acculturation strategy. People with strong national identification preferred a separation strategy (Smokova,
2013). Hence, we expect to obtain comparable results regarding the acculturation strategy.
Hypothesis 4: Individuals high in identification with the national ingroup prefer the acculturation strategy “separation”.