1 Introduction
Subjective wellbeing
1 (SWB) has attracted growing interest in empirical economics’ research in recent years. Regressing life satisfaction (LS) scores against a set of individual predictors including economic and non-economic (socio-demographic) factors is a means to investigating SWB. Several studies have also included contextual factors like socio-economic disadvantage or income inequality (Alesina et al.,
2004; Kubiszewski et al.,
2019b; Oishi et al.,
2011), environmental factors (Bertram & Rehdanz,
2015; Kubiszewski et al.,
2019a) or climate variables (Brereton et al.,
2008; Lignier et al.,
2023). However, much of this empirical research ignored the different levels of interaction between contributors and wellbeing and thus risk potential endogeneity, i.e., some factors influence LS at an individual (age, education) or household level (income, house ownership), while other are macro-level factors impacting at a neighbourhood or regional level. Research that used a multilevel analysis approach to examine those different levels of interaction has been undertaken in various countries including Europe (Aslam & Corrado,
2012; Neira et al.,
2018; Pittau et al.,
2010), the United Kingdom (UK) (Ballas & Tranmer,
2012), the United States (US) (Fernandez & Kulik,
1981) and New Zealand (Aminzadeh et al.,
2013); however to our knowledge, this approach has never been applied to urban neighbourhoods in Australia.
The term social capital
2 is used by social scientists to refer to the social networks and associated effects such as trust and norms of reciprocity that influence human wellbeing (Coleman,
1988; Helliwell & Putnam,
2004). At an empirical level, it has been described as “the shared knowledge, norms, rules and networks that facilitate collective experience within a neighbourhood” (Vemuri et al.,
2011, p. 6). Social capital (alongside natural capital, human capital and built capital) is also one of the domains contributing to human wellbeing identified by Costanza et al. (
2013) and its importance has been documented in LS studies at various scales: country (Helliwell & Putnam,
2004; Lawless & Lucas,
2010; Layard,
2005); regional (Ballas & Thanis,
2022; Rentfrow et al.,
2009) and local (Aminzadeh et al.,
2013; Vemuri et al.,
2011). While human and social capital variables have often been considered in Australian LS research (Kubiszewski et al.,
2019a; Shields et al.,
2009), we are missing a systematic analysis of the impact of different dimensions of social capital (Helliwell & Putnam,
2004) on LS. This investigation seeks to address this gap, placing a particular focus on social capital influence at individual and neighbourhood levels.
Geographic clustering of LS scores has been reported in Europe (Jokela et al.,
2015; Okulicz-Kozaryn,
2011; Rentfrow et al.,
2015), the US (Rentfrow & Jokela,
2016) and Canada (Helliwell et al.,
2019; Ziogas et al.,
2023). In this research, we focus on geographic variations between neighbourhoods within an urban/ suburban context. For this purpose, we selected two metropolitan areas of Australia. One is on the East coast, in southeast Queensland centred around Brisbane, the other on the West coast around Perth (Fig.
3, Appendix
C). Brisbane and Perth are both classified as “Beta” cities according to the Globalisation and World Cities Research Network (GaWC,
2020). These two regions are comparable in population and geographical spread and have growing demographic and economic significance. Larger metropolitan areas could have been chosen for this study, however, results from previous SWB research in Australia point to a different pattern of relationship between LS and LS predictors in Greater Perth compared to elsewhere across the country (Lignier et al.,
2023) and we sought to put this particular assumption to the test.
Our large sample (nearly 4,000 respondents) mean that our findings have relevance beyond the two regions investigated here. They may be of interest when developing public policies that aim to enhance social cohesion and trust within local communities, specifically, public policies on urban social infrastructure.
The rest of this article is structured as follows: Section
2 briefly reviews the relevant literature; the methodology used for our project is described in Section
3, while results are presented in Section
4. We discussed our findings in Section
5, while in Section
6, we summarise our findings and discuss their practical implications.
5 Discussion
The small unexplained random effect at SA2 level in Model 3 suggests that socio-demographic variables and social capital variables explain much of the variations in LS between SA2. It is much larger than the random effect at group level in the Aslam and Corrado (
2012) and Neira et al. (
2018) studies where the clusters were large regions in the EU, but it is comparable to the variance at neighbourhood level in Aminzadeh et al. (
2013) regression models.
7 The unexplained random effect at household level remains relatively large as in Ballas and Tranmer (
2012) indicating the presence of idiosyncratic differences between households.
The importance of factors representing social capital at individual level is confirmed by this research. Specifically, social trust (Helliwell & Putnam,
2004; Neira et al.,
2018; Subramanian et al.,
2000) and ‘engagement and connection’ (Aminzadeh et al.,
2013; Gilbert et al.,
2016; Yuan,
2016) are significantly positive contributors of LS. The variable ‘psychological sense of community’ that reflects individual perception about the level of social connection and harmony within the neighbourhood also has a positive impact on LS. The same outcome was reached by Aminzadeh et al. (
2013) (social cohesion) in their study of adolescent wellbeing in New Zealand. Conversely, Vemuri et al. (
2011)’ social capital index based on the same dimensions was not found to be a significant driver of LS in metropolitan Baltimore.
Individual perception of safety issues and shabbiness in the neighbourhood has a significant negative impact on LS reflecting existing evidence (Ettema & Schekkerman,
2016; Mouratidis,
2019). This outcome might be surprising as the actual rate of violent crime
8 in both metropolitan areas is around 1,200 per 100,000 which is close to the Australian average (Australian Bureau of Statistics,
2023), but much lower than for Philadelphia, a comparable Beta ranked city in the US.
9 This result is consistent with previous evidence that incidence of crime has little relationship with people’s perception of crime (Veenhoven,
2002) and that perceived crime levels are more significant negative contributors to LS than actual crime levels (Ambrey et al.,
2014; Larson,
2010).
Our study finds little evidence of contextual influence for social capital factors on LS: the results from the random slope coefficients model suggest that differences between SA2 are generally attributable to compositional effects rather than contextual effects. The exception is ‘social engagement and connection” where the aggregate variable has a strong positive coefficient when an interaction term with the individual level variable is included. This suggests that the neighbourhood level of social connection and engagement interacts with the corresponding variable at individual level. The negative interaction factor can be interpreted as meaning that where aggregate social engagement and connection is high, the influence of individual level engagement and connection will be reduced. Only very few studies have considered the influence of area level social connection and engagement on individual LS. Aminzadeh et al. (
2013) found a positive influence for membership in community organisations, Neira et al. (
2018) reported a positive association for informal and formal networks, but no significant influence for civic engagement, a result also reached by Aslam and Corrado (
2012). When interpreting these results, it is important to bear in mind that the two latter studies examined large regions (NUTS1-3) in different countries in Europe rather than urban neighbourhoods.
The influence of urbanity/ rurality was measured through the ‘sparsely populated’ dummy. It appears that this variable was not a significant contributor confirming earlier outcomes that a ‘rural’ residence has no significant influence on wellbeing when the area is accessible (Gilbert et al.,
2016; Weckroth et al.,
2022). Neither of the two proxy variables for income equality are significant. This outcome aligns with some earlier results (Florida et al.,
2013; Weckroth et al.,
2022), but challenges others, for instance Ala-Mantila et al. (
2018) found that people had a higher Quality of life where the proportion of high income earners was higher.
Individual ethnicity has often been identified as a possible determinant of LS, but very few studies have considered the influence of neighbourhood ethnicity. The consensus is that being of a non-English background (Kubiszewski et al.,
2018) or belonging to an ethnic minority (Aminzadeh et al.,
2013; Oswald & Wu,
2011) is associated with lower LS levels. A recent Canadian study also found that neighbourhoods with a high proportion of foreign born had lower average LS (Ziogas et al.,
2023). The analysis of our data shows no significant influence for ethnicity on LS at either individual or neighbourhood level. However, the negative coefficient for the interaction term suggests that being a person of non-English speaking background living in a neighbourhood with a high level of non-English speakers may have a negative impact on LS. We need to interpret this result with caution considering that non-English speakers were under-represented in our sample.
Our study confirms earlier findings that being unemployed tends to be associated with lower levels of LS. There is also strong empirical support in the literature for the argument that contextual unemployment might mitigate the effect of individual unemployment by acting as a social norm (Ballas & Tranmer,
2012; Clark,
2003; Powdthavee,
2007). This finding for contextual unemployment is not replicated in our study even when we include an interaction term. This might be explained by the relatively low level of contextual un-employment in our area of study (5.9%) at the time of survey. By comparison the unemployment rate in South Africa for the Powdthavee study was around 13% (Powdthavee,
2007) and it was 8.6% in the UK in 1991 (World Bank,
2023) when the data used by Ballas & Tranmer was collected.
Vegetation index was found to be a statistically significant LS factor in previous research (Kubiszewski et al.,
2019b); similarly, temperature and to a lesser extent rainfall, have been found to influence average LS (Brereton et al.,
2008; Florida et al.,
2013; Lignier et al.,
2023). Neither of these environmental variables significantly impact LS in our sample. While previous research that examined the influence of climate and the environment on LS covered regions with different climates, our study covered areas where climate variations are small. A similar conclusion to ours was reached from data collected in the urban area of Baltimore (US) (Vemuri et al.,
2011).
Individual socio-economic variables mostly behave as expected from similar research in Australia. Age is a consistent predictor with a U shape non-linear relationship (Frijters & Beatton,
2012); being female is associated with higher levels of LS. Evidence about the influence of sex on LS is mixed, with some studies predicting a positive association for female (Kubiszewski et al.
2019; Neira et al.,
2018) others a negative association (Aminzadeh et al.,
2013; Ballas & Tranmer,
2012). The negative association between having a university degree and LS that was noted in some studies is confirmed here (Ambrey & Fleming,
2014).
According to our results, household structure matters: couples with or without children seem to have higher LS levels compared to single person households. This differs somewhat from earlier MLM studies in the UK where couples without children had higher levels of LS but couples with children had lower levels (Ballas & Tranmer,
2012).
10 House ownership is consistently a significant positive predictor of LS. This aligns with earlier results from the UK (Ballas & Tranmer,
2012) and Australia (Kubiszewski et al.,
2018), but a US study found that home ownership was a negative predictor of metropolitan wellbeing (Florida et al.,
2013). Relative household income is a significant positive contributor of LS in all models reflecting predictive models by Clark et al. (
2008). Household income was also found to be a positive contributor in many LS/ social capital studies (Aslam & Corrado,
2012; Neira et al.,
2018; Rentfrow et al.,
2009).
A secondary objective of this study was to test whether the seemingly different pattern of relationship between LS and LS determinants in the Greater Perth region was confirmed. The two regions were identified through the inclusion of a fixed effect dummy variable. The significantly negative coefficient for the Greater Perth dummy in Models 1 and 2 seem to support previous findings that
ceteris paribus a certain configuration of LS determinants would result in lower predicted LS in that region (Lignier et al.,
2023). The coefficient remains negative when social capital and contextual variables are introduced but with a much weaker level of significance. This might suggest that the positive effect of social capital variables on LS in Greater Perth somewhat mitigates the differences with other regions.
6 Conclusion
The primary objective of this study was to analyse the influence of individual and contextual social capital variables on LS within a metropolitan context in Australia using MLM. This study is the first one, to the best of our knowledge, that uses MLM with three levels of aggregation to investigate LS and social capital in metropolitan regions within a single country.
We find that only a moderate proportion of the unexplained variation in LS prediction was attributable to differences between spatial clusters, while the difference between households is much more significant. These results reflect similar findings from MLM studies at neighbourhood scale conducted in the UK and in New Zealand. We also find that most of the spatial heterogeneity is probably attributable to compositional effects (i.e., different characteristics of respondents living in different area) rather than contextual effects (variations linked to the specific social capital characteristic of the area).
Our results corroborate previous findings that factors such as social trust, social engagement connection, and psychological sense of community representing individual contribution to social capital are strong positive contributors of individual LS. Negative individual perceptions about the neighbourhood such as safety issues and physical deterioration seem to have a deeper (negative) impact on LS, than positive perceptions about the neighbourhood social attributes. The influence of contextual social capital on individual LS appears to be limited to the interaction between individual and aggregate levels of social connection and engagement. Overall, our findings are consistent with the hypothesis that social capital will shape individual wellbeing (Coleman,
1988; OECD,
2001); however they do not support previous findings of a significant influence for contextual socio-economic variables such as income inequality, contextual un-employment and neighbourhood ethnicity.
Our research has several limitations. Firstly, as noted in our
methodology section, our sample is somewhat biased towards older people with higher income, and households from non-English speaking background are under-represented. This may explain the non-significance of some contextual variables such as income inequality, unemployment and ethnicity. Secondly, the number of respondents in some of the SA2 is very small, consequently idiosyncratic individual data may have a disproportionate effect on the area means (Helliwell et al.,
2019). Thirdly, we do not account for possible spillover effects where average level of LS and social capital for an area could be influenced by neighbouring areas (Ziogas et al.,
2023). Finally, as noted by Neira et al. (
2018), the lack of consistency in the definition of social capital dimensions and the absence of independently measured aggregate social capital indicators make inter-research comparisons hazardous.
Notwithstanding the above caveats, we believe our research contributes to knowledge about the impact of social capital on individual wellbeing. Our methodology can be replicated to other metropolitan areas anywhere in the world and applied to other wellbeing indicators such as happiness or mental health. Our findings will inform government social policy in urban areas, for instance the building of urban infrastructure that promote social access and encourage social activities such walking paths, community playgrounds, and the remedying of physical urban deterioration and crime to reinforce the perception of personal safety. As argued by Wilkinson and Pickett (
2009), the positive impact of community engagement and connection and individual psychological sense of community on SWB suggest that access to urban and social infrastructure needs to be accompanied with better inclusion of all groups within the community to achieve better social outcomes.
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