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2020 | OriginalPaper | Chapter

6. The Financial Expert of the Habsburg Monarchy

Author : Simon Adler

Published in: Political Economy in the Habsburg Monarchy 1750–1774

Publisher: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

This chapter is devoted to Zinzendorf’s decade-long career in government and shows how he operated as a sophisticated financial expert. The discussion centres on the type of economic thinker Zinzendorf became, Zinzendorf’s circle of like-minded individuals, his contribution to debates within government, his engagement with the public sphere in the monarchy and the distinctiveness of his ideas to the cameralist theories of Justi and Sonnenfels.

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previous chapter The Development of Zinzendorf’s Thinking on State Credit

next chapter Conclusion

Eduard Gaston von Pettenegg (ed.), Ludwig und Karl Grafen und Herren von Zinzendorf. Ihre Selbstbiographien nebst einer kurzen Geschichte des Hauses Zinzendorf (Vienna, 1879), pp. 70, 59.

For Zinzendorf’s university studies and role in the government of Lower Austria, see Chap. 2.

Grete Klingenstein, ‘Between Mercantilism and Physiocracy. Stages, Modes and Functions of Economic Theory in the Habsburg Monarchy, 1748–63’ in Charles W. Ingrao (ed.), State and Society in Early Modern Austria (West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University Press, 1994), pp. 181–214, at p. 185.

Alfred Ritter von Arneth, ‘Graf Philipp Cobenzl und seine Memoiren’, AÖG 67 (1885), pp. 1–181, at p. 105.

Ludwig Zinzendorf, ‘Examens des offres présentées à sa Majesté Imperiale pour la ferme générale du Tabac dans les pays héréditaires en Allemagne’, Diary of Karl Zinzendorf, 19 June 1763, HHStA. For Zinzendorf’s views on farming, see the section ‘Projectors’.

Zinzendorf met with Maria Theresa every Tuesday at noon. Letter of Maria Theresa to Countess Enzenberg, 6 October 1770, in Briefe der Kaiserin Maria Theresia an Ihre Kinder und Freunde, ed. Alfred Ritter von Arneth (4 vols, Vienna, 1881), vol. 4, p. 500. On one occasion, Zinzendorf’s discussions with the emperor lasted almost the whole day. It began at 5:30 in the morning and ended at 2 o’clock in the afternoon: Diary of Karl Zinzendorf, 22 July 1763, HHStA.

‘On me reproche d’avoir des principes, de la theorie, d’avoir beaucoup lû, je suis devenu un objet de jalousie’, in Pettenegg (ed.), Selbstbiographien, p. 66.

Diary of Karl Zinzendorf, 27 March 1762, HHStA.

Zinzendorf would often share with his brother economic statistics which he collected: Diary of Karl Zinzendorf, 3 and 20 May 1763, HHStA.

On the Estates’ financial role during the War of the Austrian Succession, see William Godsey, The Sinews of Habsburg Power: Lower Austria in a Fiscal-Military State, 1650–1820 (Oxford, 2018), pp. 193–95.

Letter of Ludwig Zinzendorf to Karl Zinzendorf, Vienna, 7 November 1759, vol. 63, DOZA. He sent copies of Melon’s Essai politique, Montesquieu’s De l’Esprit des Lois and his German translation of Law’s Money and Trade to Karl, who was studying in Jena. Karl received the books on 3 December 1759. He immediately started reading them: Diary of Karl Zinzendorf of 1759, summary for that year, second page and final entries at the end of the diary, HHStA.

On Melon and Montesquieu, see Istvan Hont, Jealousy of Trade: International Competition and the Nation-State in Historical Perspective (Cambridge, MA, 2005), pp. 29–33.

See Chap. 4, footnotes 16 and 17.

The Seven Years War, Hont argued, was a largely commercial conflict ‘fueled by jealousy of trade’: Hont, Jealousy of Trade, p. 34.

‘Nachdem dasjenige, was die Erfahrung bewähret, den Vorzug vor dem verdienen muß, so sich auf bloße theoretische Sätze gründet’: Ludwig Zinzendorf, Pro Memoria an eine ständische Deputation einen Vorschlag zur Erleichterung des ständischen Credites betreffend. Im September 1757, fol. 222v.

P.G.M. Dickson, Finance and Government under Maria Theresia 1740–1780 (2 vols, Oxford, 1987), vol. 2, p. 76.

Both ‘Mémoires differens sur la Compagnie des Indes écrites en 1752 par M le Comte de Zinzendorf, actuellement controlleur général des finances, a Mr le Comte (depuis Prince) de Kaunitz Rittberg; alors ambassadeur de ses Maj.Imperiales Royales apostoliques près de sa Maj. très chrétiennes’, vol. 1, fols 176r–191v, and ‘Extrait d’une letter sur la Marine de France écrite à Brest en 1752 par le Comte Louis de Zinzendorf à present Ministre de L’Etat de ses Maj. Imperiales’, vol. 2, fols 165r–170v, are preserved in Karl Zinzendorf, ‘Mémoires rassemblés par le Comte Charles de Zinzendorf pendant ses voyages par la France 1764, 1767 et 1769’, vol. 1, Hs. Suppl. 954–W918, and ibid., vol. 2, Hs. Suppl. 960–§922, HHStA.

Grete Klingenstein, Eva Faber and Antonio Trampus (eds.). Europäische Aufklärung zwischen Wien und Triest: die Tagebücher des Gouverneurs Karl Graf von Zinzendorf, 1776–1782, Veröffentlichung der Kommission für Neuere Geschichte Österreichs, 103 (4 vols, Vienna, 2009), vol. 1, pp. 22–3, 25. When the Staatsrat was dissolved in 1867, the papers, together with other writings of Zinzendorf’s Nachlaß, went to the general state archives: Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, ibid., p. 25. For a full history of the Nachlaß, see ibid., pp. 22–38.

Diary of Karl Zinzendorf, 8 February 1761, 16 October 1761, 14 and 24 March 1762, HHStA.

Diary of Karl Zinzendorf, 21 February 1761, HHStA.

Lebeau, ‘Ludwig et Karl von Zinzendorf, administrateurs des finances. Aristocratie et pouvoir dans la Monarchie des Habsbourg, 1748–1791’ (PhD dissertation, 2 vols, Université de Paris IV—Sorbonne, 1991), Annex 11.

Ludwig Zinzendorf to Karl Zinzendorf, 14 December 1759, vol. 63, DOZA.

Christine Lebeau, ‘Ludwig et Karl von Zinzendorf’, Annex 11.

See ch 5, footnote 77.

Letters of Ludwig Zinzendorf to Karl Zinzendorf, Vienna, 27 March 1767 and 14 November 1767, vol. 64, DOZA.

One such ‘small list’ of books, which is lost, contained 32 titles: letter of Ludwig Zinzendorf to Karl Zinzendorf, Vienna, 4 January 1768, vol. 65, DOZA, in Christine Lebeau, Aristocrates et grands commis à la Cour de Vienne, 1748–1791. Le modèle français (Paris, 1996), p. 144.

Zinzendorf wanted confirmation on the authorship of Nicolas Baudeau, Idées d’un citoyen sur l’administration des finances (Amsterdam, 1763). He speculated, based on the style of writing, that it was written by Forbonnais: letter of Ludwig Zinzendorf to Karl Zinzendorf, Vienna, 22 September 1764, vol. 63, DOZA in Lebeau, Aristocrates, p. 144, footnote 15.

Diary of Karl Zinzendorf, 30 July, 1 and 2 August 1763, HHStA. Zinzendorf, for example, approved Karl’s plan to go to the United Provinces and England, and then return to France: letter of Ludwig Zinzendorf to Karl Zinzendorf, Vienna, 8 April 1767, vol. 64 Vienna. Also, on Karl’s travels, Lebeau, Aristocrates, pp. 125–27.

Letter of Karl Zinzendorf to Ludwig Zinzendorf, Paris, 26 April 1767, vol. 53, DOZA.

Letter of Ludwig Zinzendorf to Karl Zinzendorf, Vienna, 16 May 1767, vol. 64, DOZA.

Ibid.

Letter of Ludwig Zinzendorf to Karl Zinzendorf, Vienna, 28 June 1767, vol. 64, DOZA.

Letter of Karl Zinzendorf to Ludwig Zinzendorf, Paris, 9 January 1767, vol. 53, DOZA, in Christine Lebeau, ‘Des aristocrates à la croisée des mondes. Politique aristocratique et pouvoir administratif en Europe dans la deuxième moitié du XVIIIe siècle’ in Gabriele Haug-Moritz, Hans Peter Hye and Marlies Raffler (eds.), Adel im ‘langen’ 18. Jahrhundert (Vienna: Verlag der österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2009), pp. 187–204, at p. 190.

Lebeau, Aristocrates, pp. 128–29; Pettenegg (ed.), Selbstbiographien, p. 181. Karl met with Forbonnais several times.

Grete Klingenstein, ‘Between Mercantilism and Physiocracy’, pp. 181–214, at p. 190. The title of the German translation was: Einige wichtige Fragen den Handel betreffende bey Gelegenheit der Wiedersprüche, die die letzte Bill zu Naturalisation der Ausländer in Großbritannien erlitten, aufgeworfen durch Josiah Tucker, Rectoren des S.Steffens Collegii zu Bristol und Caplan des dasigen Bischoffs, London 1755. Aus dem Französischen ins Teutsche übersetzt druch Carl Christian Heinrich Grafen und Herren von Zinzendorff und Pottendorff, Wien 1763. Karl finished the translation on 15 January 1763: Diary of Karl Zinzendorf, 15 January 1763, HHStA.

Letter of Karl Zinzendorf to Ludwig Zinzendorf, Vienna, 23 April 1767, vol. 64, DOZA. It was first on Karl’s reading list in 1761: Diary of Karl Zinzendorf, 8 February 1761, HHStA. Zinzendorf himself translated Dangeul’s text: see Chap. 4, footnote 6.

Letter of Karl Zinzendorf to Ludwig Zinzendorf, London, 18 September 1768, vol. 53, DOZA. In his letters, Karl replied to Ludwig’s queries.

On England, Karl wrote, ‘Me voici donc en Angleterre dans ce pays de liberté, au milieu d’une nation pensante.’ Letter of Karl Zinzendorf to Ludwig Zinzendorf, London, 7 February 1768, DOZA.

See Chap. 4, footnote 6.

Diary of Karl Zinzendorf, 25 February, 15 March, 1 May, 23 May and 25 October 1768, HHStA. On the ‘grande conference’ with Hume, see letter of Karl Zinzendorf to Ludwig Zinzendorf, London, 4 April 1768, vol. 53, DOZA.

‘Nous causames longtemps et utilement, il s’étonne de tout ce que mon frère a fait’: Diary of Karl Zinzendorf, 15 March 1768, DOZA.

Letter of Karl Zinzendorf to Ludwig Zinzendorf, London, 4 April 1768. The passage which Karl referred to is David Hume, ‘Of the Balance of Trade’, pp. 189–90, in David Hume, Of the Balance of Trade (1752) in ed. Eugene F. Miller, David Hume: Essays Moral, Political, Literary (Indianapolis: Liberty Classics, 1987), pp. 184–93. Previously, Karl had read Hume’s essays on the Balance of Trade, Luxury and Public Credit: Diary of Karl Zinzendorf, 8, 10 and 11 July 1763, HHStA.

Diary of Karl Zinzendorf, 25 October 1768, HHStA. Ian Simpson Ross mentions this episode, but erroneously speculates that Hume received the information in Vienna from Ludwig Zinzendorf: Ian Simpson Ross, ‘The Emergence of David Hume as a Political Economist: A Biographical Sketch’ in Carl Wennerlind and Margaret Schabas (eds.), David Hume’s Political Economy (Abingdon and New York: Routledge, 2008), pp. 31–48, at p. 43.

Diary of Karl Zinzendorf, 13, 14, 16 October, 19 November 1761, HHStA.

Diary of Karl Zinzendorf, 18 November 1761, HHStA.

Klingenstein et al. (eds.), Europäische Aufklärung, vol. 1, p. 19.

Vaterländische Blätter für den österreichischen Kaiserstaat, Wednesday, 27 January 1813, p. 46 in ‘Nekrolog auf das Jahr 1813. Karl Graf und Herr von Zinzendorf’, pp. 43–6, HHStA. See also Klingenstein et al. (eds.), Europäische Aufklärung, vol. 1, pp. 49–50.

Lebeau, Aristocrates, pp. 142–43.

Ibid., p. 150. Karl was also an avid reader of international newspapers: ibid., p. 149.

See the section ‘Projectors’, where this is clear from Zinzendorf’s engagement with Caratto.

For an example of a typical lunch in July 1779, its attendees and the topics of conversations, see Klingenstein et al. (eds.), Europäische Aufklärung, vol. 1, pp. 169–70.

See ibid., pp. 171–75, for a description of three significant Viennese salons.

Diary of Karl Zinzendorf, 21 November 1761 and 20 March 1763, HHStA. On Sinzendorf’s free trade efforts, see Adolf Beer, ‘Studien zur Geschichte der österreichischen Volkswirtschaft unter Maria Theresia. Die österreichische Industriepolitik’, AÖG 81 (1895), pp. 1–133, at p. 74.

Klingenstein et al. (eds.), Europäische Aufklärung, vol. 1, pp. 161–62.

Ibid., p. 162.

Adam Wandruszka, Leopold II. Erzherzog von Österreich, Grossherzog von Toskana, König von Ungarn und Böhmen, Römischer Kaiser (2 vols, Vienna, 1965), vol. 1, pp. 173–74.

Letter of Ludwig Zinzendorf to Karl Zinzendorf, Vienna, 8 January 1765, vol. 64, DOZA.

Wandruszka, Leopold II., vol. 1, pp. 180–82.

Klingenstein et al. (eds.), Europäische Aufklärung, vol. 1, p. 163. Rather than trade, the physiocrats emphasised the primacy of agriculture and advocated radical economic policy plans to achieve in the long-term self-sufficiency. For a discussion of physiocracy, see Loїc Charles and Philippe Steiner, ‘Entre Montesquieu et Rousseau. La Physiocratie parmi les origines intellectuelles de la Révolution française’, Études Jean-Jacques Rousseau, 11 (1999/2000), pp. 83–159.

Wandruszka, Leopold II., vol. 1, pp. 174–75.

Kaunitz’s wife, Maria Ernestine Starhemberg, was a granddaughter of Georg Adam’s great-uncle, Gundaker Thomas Graf von Starhemberg. The latter was president of the Court Chamber of Charles VI and held in high regard by Kaunitz, l. See the letter of Kaunitz to Ignaz Koch, Fontainebleau, 24 October 1751, in Correspondance Secrète entre le Comte A.W. Kaunitz-Rietberg, ambassadeur imperial à Paris, et le Baron Ignaz de Koch, secrétaire de l’Impératrice Marie-Thérèse, 1750–1752, ed. Hans Schlitter (Paris, 1899), p. 139.

Reinhard Eichwalder, ‘Georg Adam Fürst Starhemberg (1724–1807), Diplomat, Staatsmann und Grundherr’ (University of Vienna, 1969), p. 11. More recently, Georg Heilingsetzer, ‘Aristokratie, Aufklärung und Architektur. Fürst Georg Adam Starhemberg und die Neugestaltung des Schlosses Eferding durch Andreas Zach’, Mitteilungen des oberösterreichischen Landesarchivs, 13 (1981), pp. 249–87.

Hans Schlitter, ‘Starhemberg, Georg Adam Fürst von/seit 1765’, p. 471, in Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, vol. 35 (1893), pp. 471–473.

Eichwalder, ‘Starhemberg’, p. 16.

Ibid., p. 21.

Letter of Ignaz Koch to Kaunitz, Vienna, 26 August 1752 in Correspondance Secrète, ed. Hans Schlitter, pp. 269–70.

Eichwalder, ‘Starhemberg’, pp. 111–12.

Starhemberg called it ‘Plan d’une maison d’association, dans laquelle au moyen d’une somme très modique chaque associé s’assurera dans l’état de maladie toutes les sortes de secours qu’on peut désirer’: letter of Georg Adam Starhemberg to Kaunitz, Paris, 19 August 1754, Karton 92, Frankreich Berichte 1754, HHStA.

Wandruszka, Leopold II., vol. 1, p. 329.

Schlitter, ‘Starhemberg’, pp. 472–73. On Starhemberg’s career, see also Szabo, Kaunitz and enlightened absolutism 1753–1780 (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 61–5.

Eichwalder, ‘Starhemberg’, pp. 203, 206–7.

Alfred Ritter von Arneth, ‘Friedrich Binder von Krieglstein’, in Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, vol. 2 (1875), pp. 648–49.

Letter of Ludwig Zinzendorf to Karl Zinzendorf, Vienna, 13 September 1766, vol. 64, DOZA.

Szabo, Kaunitz, p. 108.

See, for example, in 1780 Binder’s influence on Kaunitz in backing the plan for a new navy, ibid., pp. 301–2.

Birgit Strimitzer, Die Freiherrn Binder von Krieglstein. Studien zur Genealogie und Besitzgeschichte einer elsäßisch-österreichischen Adelsfamilie unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Bedeutung einzelner Familienmitglieder in der Zeit Maria Theresias und der Ära Metternich (Graz, 1998), pp. 84–5. Binder’s book on the monarchy was: Johann Friedrich Binder von Krieglstein, Abhandlungen über die Vorzüge des durchlauchtigsten Erzhauses Österreich bey Reichsbelehnungen (Vienna, 1780).

Letter of Ludwig Zinzendorf to Karl Zinzendorf, Vienna, 10 March 1767, vol. 64, DOZA; Dickson, Finance and Government, vol. 2, p. 74; Eichwalder, ‘Starhemberg’, p. 132.

Letter of Ludwig Zinzendorf to Karl Zinzendorf, Vienna, 10 March 1767. See also Pettenegg (ed.), Selbstbiographien, p. 112; Hock, Bidermann (eds.), Staatsrath, p. 85; Beer, ‘Die Staatschulden und die Ordnung des Staatshaushaltes unter Maria Theresia’, AÖG 82 (1894), pp. 1–135, at p. 58.

Letter of Ludwig Zinzendorf to Karl Zinzendorf, Vienna, 17 July 1766, vol. 64, DOZA.

Eichwalder, ‘Starhemberg’, pp. 130–31.

Letter of Franz Xaver Wolf Rosenberg to Ludwig Zinzendorf, [undated], Archiv Zinzendorf, Karton 38, NÖLA.

Rosenberg’s suggestion was: ‘Betrachtungen Uber den Reichthum eines Lands Und wie dieser darinnen vermehret werden könte Wobey von den wahren Verrichtungs Miteln, alß Von der Handlung, von dem Geld, Von dem Credit, Von dem Wechsel und Von den Banquen außführlich gehandelt werden soll.’ See letter of Franz Xaver Wolf Rosenberg to Ludwig Zinzendorf, undated, ibid. Zinzendorf’s original title is unknown.

For Gournay’s circle, I follow the interpretation of Loїc Charles, ‘Le Cercle de Gournay: usages culturels et pratiques savants’ in Loїc Charles, Frédéric Lefebvre and Christine Théré (eds.), Le Cercle de Vincent Gournay. Savoirs économiques et pratiques administratives en France au milieu du XVIIIe siècle (Paris: Institut National D’Études Démographiques, 2011), pp. 63–87, On French censorship during the 1750s and the circle’s activities, see also Antoin E. Murphy, Richard Cantillon: Entrepreneur and Economist (Oxford, 1986), pp. 299–321.

On the use of translations of economic works in the eighteenth century, see Reinert, ‘The Empire of Emulation: A Quantitative Analysis of Economic Translations in the European World, 1500–1849’ in Sophus A. Reinert and Pernille Røge (eds.), The Political Economy of Empire in the Early Modern World (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013). For the Gournay circle’s discussion of French commercial policy and its impact on the creation of a public sphere, see Antonella Alimento, ‘La Concurrence comme Politique Moderne. La Contribution de L’école de Gournay à la naissance d’une sphère publique dans la France des années 1750–1760’ in Jesús Astigarraga and Javier Usoz (eds.), L’économie politique et la sphère publique dans le débat des Lumières (Madrid: Collection de la Casa de Velázquez, 2013), pp. 213–27.

On the growth of the government administration under Maria Theresa, see the section ‘Debates over Institutional Reform’.

Johann Heinrich Gottlob von Justi, System des Finanzwesens, nach dem vernünftigen, aus dem Endzweck der bürgerlichen Gesellschaften, und aus der Natur aller Quellen der Einkünfte des Staates hergeleiteten Grundsätzen und Regeln (Halle, 1766), pp. 28–44, 83–94; ‘Gedanken von Projecten und Plusmachern’ in Gesammelte politische und Finanzschriften (3 vols; vols 1 and 2, Copenhagen and Leipzig, 1761; vol. 3, idem., 1764), vol. 1, pp. 256–81; ‘Abhandlung von dem so genannten Plusmachen, oder der schädlichen Art, die Einkünfte des Staates zu vermehren’ in ibid., vol. 3, pp. 409–38.

Justi, System des Finanzwesens, pp. 84–5.

Ibid., pp. 90–4.

Ibid., p. 88. However, in practice, Justi acted like a projector. While living in Vienna, he acquired an economic interest in a silver mine in Lower Austria. As the mine was less profitable than Justi had expected, he sold his shares back to the government: Ulrich Adam, ‘Justi and the Post-Montesquieu French Debate on Commercial Nobility in 1756’ in Jürgen Georg Backhaus (ed.), The Beginnings of Political Economy: Johann Heinrich Gottlob von Justi (New York: Springer, 2009), pp. 75–99, at p. 38. Subsequently, Justi mismanaged the iron industry of Frederick II for personal gain and was imprisoned: Andre Wakefield, The Disordered Police State: German Cameralism as Science and Practice (Chicago, IL and London: University of Chicago Press, 2009), pp. 81–110.

Dickson, Finance and Government, vol. 1, pp. 140–44.

Ibid., pp. 153–57.

Hervé Hasquin, ‘Jacques Accarias de Serionne et le Journal de Commerce. Un publiciste français au service de l’Autriche’ in Hervé Hasquin, Population, commerce et religion au siècle des Lumières (Éditions de L’Université de Brussel, 2008), pp. 155–67, at p. 156.

See also the section ‘The Public Sphere’.

Konrad Schünemann, Österreichs Bevölkerungspolitik unter Maria Theresia (Berlin, 1935), vol. 1, pp. 299–302. No second volume has been published. For notes on Serionne’s views on agriculture in Hungary, see [Anonymous], ‘Anmerkungen zu Serionne’, [undated], vol. 27, Nachlaß Zinzendorf, fols 28r–32v, HHStA.

Szabo, Kaunitz, pp. 144–45.

Lorenz Mikoletzky, ‘Der Hamburger Bankier Johann Gottlieb Gerhard und der Versuch der Staatsschuldentilgung in Österreich (1762–1766)’ Mitteilungen des österreichischen Staatsarchivs, 25 (1972), pp. 277–288, at pp. 278, 281–83.

Ibid., pp. 287–88. During the discussions with Gerhard, another projector, Paul Beck, intervened and claimed that the ideas on debt restructuring had been stolen from him. Beck was a merchant from Strasburg who had fallen into disrepute in France: ibid., pp. 284–86.

Georges Bigwood, ‘La Loterie aux Pays Bas Autrichiens’, Annales de la Societé Royale d’Archéologie de Bruxelles, 26 (1917), pp. 53–134, at p. 75.

Ibid., pp. 76–85. In 1760, Calzabigi also wrote a long memorandum on the commerce and the economy of the monarchy. For a summary, see Dickson, Finance and Government, vol. 2, pp. 45–6. Karl read Calzabigi’s works at his brother’s house: Diary of Karl Zinzendorf, 7 October 1761 and 29 July 1763, HHStA.

100

Bigwood, ‘La Loterie’, pp. 90–4.

101

On Ricci’s plan for a note issuing bank, see Dickson, Finance and Government, vol. 2, p. 45; for Ricci’s biographical details, see Klingenstein et al. (eds.) Europäische Aufklärung, vol. 4, p. 476. On Caratto, see below.

102

Some Warehousers devised plans to reorganise domestic production hoping thereby to defend their interests and win new business from competitors. In 1770, Joseph Paul Weinbrenner, who farmed Austrian customs revenues, proposed a ‘system’ which would favour large industrial enterprises over smaller ones, introduced barriers to new manufacturing units and grouped together trade activities while curtailing the expansion of industry in Hungary. See Karl Pribram, Geschichte der österreichischen Gewerbepolitik von 1740 bis 1860: aufgrund der Akten vol. 1: 1740 bis 1798 (Leipzig, 1907), pp. 204–5 and Dickson, Finance and Government, vol. 1, p. 436. Weinbrenner probably also published articles on the importance of a public bank for commerce and industry: Herbert Matis, Die Schwarzenberg-Bank. Kapitalbildung und Industriefinanzierung in den habsburgischen Erblanden 1787–1830 (Vienna: Verlag der österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2005) pp. 68–9. In 1783, he was the first to ship eight boxes of produce from the monarchy to North America: Beer, ‘Die österreichische Handelspolitik unter Maria Theresia und Joseph II’, AÖG 86 (1898), pp. 1–204, at p. 112. On Weinbrenner’s business activities, see Ingrid Mittenzwei, Zwischen Gestern und Morgen. Wiens frühe Bourgeoisie an der Wende vom 18. zum 19. Jahrhundert (Vienna, 1998), p. 108.

103

William O’Reilly, ‘Alluding to Alternatives. Sourcing and Securing Colonists in Eighteenth-Century Germany’ in Claudia Schnurmann and Hartmut Lehmann (eds.), Atlantic Understandings: Essays on European and American History in Honour of Werner Wellenreuther (Hamburg, 2006), pp. 159–83, at pp. 170–75. On the short-lived government-supported initiative to set up a trading company to promote Hungarian produce, see Eckhart Ferenc, A becsi udvargazdazagpolitikaja Magyarorszagon Mária Terézia korában (Budapest, 1922), pp. 367–68.

104

Joseph Schreyer, Kommerz, Fabriken und Manufakturen des Königreichs Böhmen (Prague and Leipzig, 1790), pp. 86–90. Schreyer’s account is summarised by Amand Paudler, ‘Graf Josef Kinsky, Herr auf Bürgstein und Schwoyka’, in Jahresbericht des kaiserlich königlichen Staatsobergymnasium in Böhmisch-Leipa (Böhmisch Leipa, 1885), pp. 1–47, at pp. 32–3. On Zehendner’s financial company, see Dickson, Finance and Government, vol. 1, pp. 161–62.

105

Gross, ‘Die ständische Kredit-Deputation und der Plan eines erbländischen Nationalkredites (Ein Beitrag zur Finanzpolitik unter Maria Theresia)’ (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Vienna, 1935), pp. 50–1; on Fries’ role, see also Dickson, Finance and Government, vol. 2, p. 136.

106

Dickson, Finance and Government, vol. 1, pp. 172–77. On Fries’ career and relationship with Kaunitz, see Christian Steeb, ‘Johann Fries (1719–1785). Vom Einwanderer zum Staatsbankier und Vertrauten des Staatskanzler’ in Grete Klingenstein and Franz A.J. Szabo (eds.), Staatskanzler Wenzel Anton von Kaunitz-Rietberg 1711–1794. Neue Perspektiven zu Politik und Kultur der europäischen Aufklärung (Graz, 1996), pp. 305–23.

107

Dickson, Finance and Government, vol. 1, pp. 154, 433–34.

108

Klingenstein et al. (eds.), Europäische Aufklärung, vol. 4, p. 571.

109

Beer, ‘Die österreichische Industriepolitik’, pp. 104–5.

110

Szabo, Kaunitz, p. 162.

111

Karl Dinklage, ‘Gründung und Aufbau der theresianischen Ackerbaugesellschaften’, Zeitschrift für Agrargeschichte und Agrarsoziologie, 1:13 (1965), pp. 200–11, at pp. 201–3. On the rise of agricultural societies in eighteenth-century Europe, see Koen Stapelbroek and Jani Marjanen (eds.). The Rise of Economic Societies in the Eighteenth Century (Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012).

112

Karl Dinklage, Geschichte der Kärtner Landwirtschaft (Klagenfurt, 1966), pp. 150–51.

113

Karl Dinklage, ‘Gründung und Aufbau’, p. 201.

114

Gross, ‘Die ständische Kredit-Deputation’, p. 58.

115

Beer, ‘Die Staatsschulden’, p. 9.

116

Letter of Hermann von Caratto to Ludwig Zinzendorf, 17 April 1757, Archiv Zinzendorf, Karton 39, NÖLA. Caratto did not sign with his first name, and ‘Hermann’ is questionable: see Klueting, Die Lehre von der Macht der Staaten: Das aussenpolitische Machtproblem in der ‘politischen Wissenschaft’ und in der praktischen Politik im 18. Jahrhundert (Berlin, 1986), p. 204, footnote 243.

117

Letter of Hermann von Caratto to Ludwig Zinzendorf, 17 April 1757, Archiv Zinzendorf, Karton 39, NÖLA.

118

Letters of Hermann von Caratto to Ludwig Zinzendorf, 16 March 1757, 17 April 1757 and 16 May 1757, Archiv Zinzendorf, Karton 39, NÖLA.

119

Letter of Caratto to Ludwig Zinzendorf, 16 May 1757, Archiv Zinzendorf, Karton 39, NÖLA.

120

Letter of Hermann von Caratto to Ludwig Zinzendorf, 20 March 1757, Archiv Zinzendorf, Karton 39, NÖLA.

121

Letter of Hermann von Caratto to Ludwig Zinzendorf, 25 June 1757, Archiv Zinzendorf, Karton 39, NÖLA.

122

Beer, ‘Die Staatsschulden’, p. 35.

123

Hermann von Caratto, 1763, ‘Plan général pour arranger aux pais héréditaires la double industrie, le commerce, les finances’, Vorträge, Staatskanzlei, Karton 92, HHStA.

124

Beer, ‘Die Staatsschulden’, pp. 37–8. For the minutes of the government commission of 22 December 1764, 18 and 23 May 1765 which considered Caratto’s plan, see Zinzendorf, ‘Allergnädigst, abgeforderter Vorschlag, die Einrichtung einer Börse zur Verhandlung der öffentlichen Papiere und eines Banco di Credito betreffend, Februar 1767’, vol. 20, fol. 219r–227r, Nachlaß Zinzendorf, HHStA.

125

Letter of Ludwig Zinzendorf to Karl Zinzendorf, Vienna, 17 January 1766, vol. 64, DOZA. Maria Theresa shared Zinzendorf’s view: letter of Maria Theresa to Count Hatzfeld, 1766 in Briefe der Kaiserin Maria Theresia, Arneth (ed.), vol. 4, p. 295. For Zinzendorf, Caratto’s ideas about the bank were more radical than his own. Caratto, Zinzendorf argued, wanted to issue bonds for 25m. fl., create bank branches in more cities, and use the bank’s paper for all private transactions over 1000 fl. as well for parts of the cameral- and Vienna City Bank-related expenses: Zinzendorf, ‘Schluß’, in ‘Allergnädigst, abgeforderter Vorschlag’, fol. 174r.

126

Beer, ‘Die Staatsschulden’, p. 36. For a discussion of the influence of Caratto’s ideas on Kaunitz’s writings, see Klueting, Die Lehre von der Macht der Staaten, pp. 204–8.

127

Remark by Anton Stupan von Ehrenstein, 25 January 1765 in Beer, ‘Die Staatsschulden’, footnote 2, pp. 37–8.

128

Karl Freiherrn Hock and Ignaz Bidermann, Der österreichische Staatsrath (1760–1848): Eine geschichtliche Studie (Vienna, 1879; reprint, 1972), p. 82.

129

Votum des Hofrechenkammer Präsidenten Zinzendorfs, 5 June 1765, vol. 87, fols 272v–273r, Nachlaß Zinzendorf, HHStA.

130

In Law’s scheme, the Royal Bank first became a 6 per cent shareholder in the Mississippi Trading Company before eventually merging with it: Antoin E. Murphy, The Genesis of Macroeconomics: New Ideas from Sir William Petty to Henry Thornton (Oxford, 2009), pp. 63, 68.

131

Pettenegg (ed.), Selbstbiographien, pp. 103, 106; Beer, ‘Die Staatsschulden’, p. 37.

132

Johann van Thys, [undated], ‘Très humbles Réflexions de J. Thys sur le Projet d’une Bourse et d’une Banque fait par son Excellence le Comte de Zinzendorff, Président de la Chambre de Compte’, vol. 83, fols 150r–158r, Nachlaß Zinzendorf, HHStA. Repeating Zinzendorf’s arguments in the main, Thys also wrote his own proposal for a stock exchange and ‘Banque de Giro et de Deposito’. In it, he set out the operations of the bourse and the bank. Both institutions together, Thys argued, were necessary to support the prices of public paper and keep the rate of interest low: Johann van Thys, [no title], [undated], ibid., fols 160r–176v.

133

Johann van Thys, [undated], ‘Vorschläge des Kommerzienrates von Thys zur großen Handlungs Compagnie betreffend’, vol. 83, fols 60r–78v, Nachlaß Zinzendorf, HHStA. In the 1760s, the government was preoccupied with protecting the existing navigation between Trieste, Ostend and Fiume. Thus, Zinzendorf and Thys had decided to delay the proposal, letter of Ludwig Zinzendorf to Karl Zinzendorf, Vienna, 13 September 1766, vol. 64, DOZA. On the piracy attacks of the Barbary States of North Africa and the Habsburg navy, see Szabo, Kaunitz, pp. 295–300 and Beer, ‘Die österreichische Handelspolitik’, pp. 89–90.

134

The period was 1 June 1767 to 1 June 1792: Thys, ‘Vorschläge’, fol. 60r. As a recognition for this privilege, the company should offer produce as a gift to the ruler: Article 78, ibid., fol. 78v.

135

Articles 1–3, ibid., fols 60r–64v.

136

Article 14, ibid., fols 66v–67r.

137

Articles 15–28, ibid., fols 67r–68v. The ruler would nominate three directors and the general assembly could appoint additional two: ibid., article 26, fol. 68v.

138

Articles 28 and 30, ibid., fols 68v; fol. 69r.

139

The assembly would nominate four representatives, and the state would nominate one. Copies of the financial documentation would be sent to the Archives de Commerce for storage: Article 32, ibid., fol. 69v.

140

Articles 56–58, ibid., fol. 73v.

141

Letter of Ludwig Zinzendorf to Karl Zinzendorf, Vienna, 28 March 1767, vol. 64, DOZA.

142

The government commission chaired by Starhemberg met on several days between the end of March 1767 and mid-April 1767 to discuss the plans. The concerns of ministers were written in the margin of the first page of Thys’ proposal: ‘Vorschläge’, fols 60r–61v. They included the threat of a monopoly right to the business of domestic merchants and industry, and the loss to a private company of the strategically important, and already established, spice trade. Thys submitted his defence in two separate documents: Johann von Thys, [no title], [undated], appendix A, vol. 87, fols 124r–127v; appendix B, vol. 87, fols 130r–132. For other plans by projectors to set up Austrian trading companies, see Beer, ‘Die österreichische Handelspolitik’, pp. 101–13, and Szabo, Kaunitz, pp. 144–46.

143

Letter of Johann van Thys to Ludwig Zinzendorf, Klagenfurt, 18 January 1771, ArchivZinzendorf, Karton 9, NÖLA.

144

Dickson, Finance and Government, vol. 2, pp. 50–1.

145

Zinzendorf, ‘Geschichte und Beschreibung der Wiener Stadt Banco’, pp. [142–43]. On the farming of tobacco revenues, see Dickson, Finance and Government, vol. 1, ‘Appendix B: The farm of Austrian tobacco revenues’, pp. 397–98 and vol. 2, p. 50. Zinzendorf’s biography mentions the bankruptcy of one tobacco-farming Jewish syndicate in 1764: Pettenegg (ed.), Selbstbiographien, p. 98.

146

Dickson, Finance and Government, vol. 1, p. 207.

147

Ibid., pp. 222–25. On the significance of the separation between political and judicial functions in Haugwitz’s reforms, see Henry E. Strakosch, State Absolutism and the Rule of Law. The Struggle for the Codification of Civil Law in Austria 1753–1811 (Sydney: Sydney University Press, 1967), pp. 29–49.

148

Dickson, Finance and Government, vol. 1, pp. 227–28.

149

Ibid., p. 229.

150

Ibid., pp. 306–9, 318.

151

Memorandum of Kaunitz to Maria Theresa, 9 December 1760, in Derek Beales, Joseph II, Vol. 1: In the shadow of Maria Theresa, 1741–1780 (Cambridge, 1987), p. 91. For other government critics of Haugwitz’s system, see Szabo, Kaunitz, pp. 80–1.

152

Beales, Joseph II, vol. 1, p. 94. Since the beginning of the Seven Years War, Kaunitz, through the Staatskanzlei, also administered directly the internal affairs and hence the economy of the Austrian Netherlands and Italian provinces: Szabo, Kaunitz, pp. 50–1.

153

Dickson, Finance and Government, vol. 1, pp. 233–34.

154

Beales, Joseph II, vol. 1, p. 92. Kaunitz, Haugwitz, Daun and Blümegen were from the Herrenstand; Borié and Stupan from the Ritterstand.

155

Dickson, Finance and Government, vol. 1, p. 348.

156

Beales, Joseph II, vol. 1, p. 94.

157

Dickson, Finance and Government, vol. 1, p. 251.

158

Ibid., pp. 235–37.

159

Votum of Wenzel Kaunitz, 20 November 1761, pp. 112–16, in Friedrich Walter (ed.), Vom Sturz des Directoriums in Publicis et Cameralibus (1760/61) bis zum Ausgang der Regierung Maria Theresias: Aktenstücke, II. Abteilung, vol. 3 (Vienna: ÖZV, 1934), pp. 101–21. Kaunitz saw the caisse générale evolving into a ‘united hereditary bank and universal institution of credit’ and eventually into a ‘true giro and deposit bank’ with branches in the Austrian Netherlands, Trieste and in some of the larger provinces. The aim of the new institution was not only to facilitate state credit but also to support the growth of commerce and domestic industry: ibid., pp. 114–15. For a summary of Kaunitz’s votum, see Szabo, Kaunitz, pp. 89–90 and Dickson, Finance and Government, vol. 1, p. 241.

160

Dickson, Finance and Government, vol. 1, p. 243. On the creation of the two new institutions, see Friedrich Walter, Die Geschichte der österreichischen Zentralverwaltung in der Zeit Maria Theresias (1740–1780), vol. 32 (Vienna: ÖZV, 1938), pp. 335–38.

161

Dickson, Finance and Government, vol. 1, pp. 244–45.

162

Ibid., pp. 247–48.

163

Ibid., p. 250.

164

On the institutions for commerce in the eighteenth-century monarchy, see Grete Klingenstein, ‘Die Wiener Kommerzienhofkommission, 1719–1776. Einige Überlegungen zu Wirtschaftsverflechtung und staatlicher Durchdringing in einem “zusammengesetzten” Staatswesen’ in Ulfried Burz, Michael Derndarsky, Werner Drobesch, Brennpunkt Mitteleuropa. Festschrift für Helmut Rumpler zum 65. Geburtstag (Klagenfurt, 2000), pp. 195–206. Also useful and recent, Grete Klingenstein and Eva Faber, ‘Kommerzbehörden und Staatswirtschaftsdeputation’ in Michael Hochedlinger, Petr Mat’a and Thomas Winkelbauer (eds.), Verwaltungsgeschichte der Habsburgermonarchie in der frühen Neuzeit. Band 1: Hof und Dynastie, Kaiser und Reich, Zentralverwaltungen, Kriegswesen und landesfürstliches Finanzwesen, MIÖG 62 (2 vols, Vienna: Böhlau, 2019), vol. 2, pp. 985–90. I am very grateful to Grete Klingenstein for having sent me a typescript of the article prior to publication.

165

Klingenstein, ‘Die Wiener Kommerzienhofkommission’, p. 202.

166

Beer, ‘Finanzverwaltung’, pp. 274–75.

167

Walter, Die Geschichte der österreichischen Zentralverwaltung (1938), p. 339. Also, Klingenstein and Faber, ‘Kommerzbehörden’, p. 987. The Hungarian and Transylvanian councillors only participated in discussions on Hungarian and Transylvanian matters respectively.

168

Beer, ‘Finanzverwaltung’, pp. 275–76. Kaunitz criticised the Commercien-Directorium for only having ‘cavaliers’ and ‘academics’ as members who, lacking in practical experience, had very different mindsets to merchants and manufacturers: Votum of Wenzel Kaunitz, 20 November 1761; Walter, Vom Sturz des Directoriums (1934), vol. 3, p. 119.

169

Beer, ‘Finanzverwaltung’, p. 275; Walter, Die Geschichte der österreichischen Zentralverwaltung (1938), vol. 1, p. 340.

170

Beer, ‘Die österreichische Handelspolitik’, pp. 5–6.

171

Walter, Die Geschichte der österreichischen Zentralverwaltung (1938), pp. 416–19.

172

Beer, ‘Finanzverwaltung’, pp. 276–81. Also on the Staatswirtschaftsdeputation, see Klingenstein and Faber, ‘Kommerzbehörden’, pp. 988–89; Klingenstein, ‘Die Wiener Kommerzienhofkommission’, pp. 204–6, and Dickson, Finance and Government, vol. 1, p. 247.

173

Pettenegg (ed.), Selbstbiographien, p. 128.

174

Letter of Rudolf Chotek to Ludwig Zinzendorf, Vienna, 9 January 1769, vol. 127, fols 1r–5v, Nachlaß Zinzendorf, HHStA.

175

Klingenstein, ‘Die Wiener Kommerzienhofkommission’, p. 206.

176

Walter, Die Geschichte der österreichischen Zentralverwaltung (1938), p. 468.

177

Ibid., pp. 470–71; Dickson, Finance and Government, vol. 1, p. 251.

178

Ludwig Zinzendorf, ‘Vorschlag des Grafen Ludwig von Zinzendorf über die Einrichtung der Finanzen de dato Wien, den 7. October 1761’, vol. 2b, fols 90r–103r, Nachlaß Zinzendorf, HHStA. Part of the text is printed in Walter, Vom Sturz des Directoriums (1934), pp. 167–68. For concise summaries, see Johann Schasching, Staatsbildung und Finanzentwicklung: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des österreichischen Staatskredites in der 2. Hälfte des 18. Jahrhunderts (Innsbruck, 1954), pp. 28–31, and Szabo, Kaunitz, p. 88.

179

Zinzendorf, ‘Vorschlag’, fols 90r–90v.

180

Ibid., fols 91r–93r.

181

Ibid., fols 93r–94v.

182

Revenues from Hungary were the exception as they had to remain with the Hungarian Hof Cammer: ibid., fol. 102v.

183

Ibid., fols 102r–102v.

184

Ibid., fols 94v–96r.

185

Ibid., fols 96v–98r.

186

For Zinzendorf’s publication on accounting, see section ‘The Public Sphere’.

187

Zinzendorf, ‘Vorschlag’, fols 98r–99r.

188

Ibid., fols 99r–101r. Hungary was a special case. Zinzendorf proposed the creation of a German-speaking Finanz-Collegium to differentiate from the Hungarian diet: ibid., fol. 100v.

189

Ibid., fols 101r–102r.

190

Dickson, Finance and Government, vol. 1, p. 244 and Szabo, Kaunitz, pp. 97–8.

191

Vortrag von Ludwig Zinzendorf und Karl Friedrich Hatzfeld, 11 September 1764, printed in Walter, Vom Sturz des Directoriums (1934), pp. 223–33.

192

Dickson, Finance and Government, vol. 1, pp. 237, 249, 354.

193

Walter, Vom Sturz des Directoriums (1934), p. 224.

Ibid., p. 226.

Ibid., pp. 225–26.

Ibid., pp. 227–29.

Ibid., pp. 229–30.

Ibid., pp. 230–33. The accountants initiated themselves small and larger credit operations with the caisses which they were given to administer. In a Denkschrift of 13 April 1765, Zinzendorf provided evidence of the defective accounting standards in the provinces. Moravia, he noted, had 380,000 fl. more Domesticalschulden than it had previously reported. In Ob der Enns (Upper Austria), however, the debts were more than 1.8m. fl. lower than previously stated. See Walter, Geschichte der österreichischen Zentralverwaltung (1938), p. 390, footnote 1.

199

Ludwig Zinzendorf, 11 April 1765, ‘Vergleichung des alten und neuen Finanzsistems’, pp. 85–108; 12 April 1765, ‘Promemoria betreffend die Vereinigung der Hofkammer, der General-Cassae-Direction und des Banco unter einem Praesidio’, pp. 169–89; 13 April 1765, ‘Eine Beantwortung der ihm vom Staatskanzler vorgelegten drey Fragen’, pp. 109–45, all in vol. 2c, Nachlaß Zinzendorf, HHStA. The three documents are quoted in Walter, Vom Sturz des Directoriums (1934), p. 246, footnote 1.

200

Walter, Geschichte der österreichischen Zentralverwaltung (1938), p. 396. The opinion of the emperor is printed in Walter, Vom Sturz des Directoriums (1934), pp. 246–47.

201

Walter, Geschichte der österreichischen Zentralverwaltung (1938), pp. 403–4. The decision of the empress is printed in Walter, Vom Sturz des Directoriums (1934), pp. 253–55.

202

Other outright rejections of Zinzendorf’s war finance ideas included Karl Ferdinand Königsegg-Erps, 18 March 1758, ‘Grafens Königsegg ohnmaßgebliche Anmerkungen und Meinung gegen den Plan des Grafen Zinzendorf Papiergeld zu drucken’, Alte Kabinettsakten, Karton 17, HHStA. On 19 April 1758, he submitted the document to the empress. In the introduction, Königsegg-Erps argued that Zinzendorf’s bond proposal would destroy the Vienna City Bank and expressed his hope that the empress would agree with him in rejecting Zinzendorf’s ideas. Königsegg-Erps (1696–1759) was president of the College of Mines and subsequently became, for a short period, president of the Hofkammer.

203

The section is also included in the printed document of ‘Projet de Finance’ without names of ministers: Zinzendorf, Finanz-Vorschläge zur Fortsetzung des gegenwärtigen Krieges. Allerhöchst Ihro Röm- Kais.-König. Apostolischen M.M.. Alleruntertänigst übergeben von Ludwig Grafen und Herrn von Zinzendorf und Pottendorf; dero wirklichen geheimen Rathe, Cämmerern und Assessore in denen Directoriis in publicis et cameralibus. Im Monat Jul.1759.

204

See Chap. 5.

205

Objections 1 and 2, both by Chotek: pp. [65–73]; objection 15, by Saffran, pp. [109–15], in Zinzendorf, ‘Projet de Finance’.

206

Objection 8, by Chotek, pp. [86–8]; objection 11, anonymous, pp. [99–105]; objection 20, by Bartenstein, p. [122], in ibid.

207

Objection 28, by Chotek, pp. [130–34]; objection 19, by Bartenstein, pp. [119–22], ibid.

208

Dickson, Finance and Government, vol. 1, p. 327.

209

Ibid.

210

On the practice of ‘much writing’ (Vielschreiberei), see ibid., pp. 320–22. Joseph II remarked that ministers ‘have worked like supermen, especially in using up paper’: Beales, Joseph II, vol. 1, p. 165.

211

David Kammerling Smith, ‘Le discours économique du Bureau du commerce, 1700–1750’ in Charles, Loїc, Frédéric Lefebvre and Christine Théré (eds.). Le Cercle de Vincent Gournay. Savoirs économiques et pratiques administratives en France au milieu du XVIIIe siècle (Paris: Institut National D’Études Démographiques, 2011), pp. 31–61, at pp. 31–3.

212

Paris could nominate two députés: ibid. p. 35.

213

Ibid., pp. 35–7.

214

Thomas J. Schaeper, The French Council of Commerce 1700–1715. A Study of Mercantilism After Colbert (Columbus, OH: Ohio State University Press, 1983), pp. 36–7.

215

Ibid., p. 274. The discussion of individual commercial matters, which involved extensive written correspondence between the government, the Bureau and the local commerce, would take many months and sometimes years, Kammerling Smith, ‘Le discours économique’, p. 34.

216

Simone Meyssonnier, La Balance et l’Horloge: La Genèse de la pensée libérale en France au XVIIIe siècle pp. 175–77.

217

I follow the interpretation of T.C.W. Blanning, The Culture of Power and the Power of Culture. Old Regime Europe 1660–1789 (Oxford, 2002), pp. 5–14. See also Andreas Gestrich, ‘The public sphere and the Habermas-Debate’, German History, 24 (2006), pp. 413–31.

218

Blanning, The Culture of Power, pp. 430–31.

219

T.C.W. Blanning, Joseph II. Profiles in Power (London, 1994), pp. 164–65.

220

Beales, Joseph II, vol. 2, p. 93.

221

For an account of Freemasonry under Joseph, see Beales, Joseph II, vol. 2, pp. 526–43.

222

Ibid., pp. 531–33.

223

Beales, Joseph II, vol. 1, pp. 441–45, 455–60.

224

Charles Ingrao, The Habsburg Monarchy, 1618–1815 (Cambridge, 1994), p. 170.

225

Hasquin, ‘Jacques Accarias de Serionne’, pp. 157–60.

226

Ibid., p. 160.

227

Ibid., pp. 161–62.

228

Marco Cavarzere, ‘“The New Science of Commerce” in the Holy Roman Empire: Véron de Forbonnais Elémens du commerce and its German Readers’, History of European Ideas, 40:8 (2014), pp. 1130–50, at p. 1139.

229

Hasquin, ‘Jacques Accarias de Serionne’, pp. 163–65.

230

Klingenstein, ‘Between Mercantilism and Physiocracy’, pp. 196–97. Sonnenfels’ project of a journal, ‘Beyträge zur österreichischen Handlung’, was never realised: Karl-Heinz Osterloh, Joseph von Sonnenfels und die österreichische Reformbewegung im Zeitalter des aufgeklärten Absolutismus. Eine Studie zum Zusammenhang von Kameralwissenschaft und Verwaltungspraxis (Lübeck and Hamburg: Matthiesen, 1970), p. 32. See also Simon Karstens, Lehrer, Schriftsteller, Staatsreformer: die Karriere des Joseph von Sonnenfels (1733–1817) (Vienna: Böhlau Verlag, 2011), p. 70, note 319.

231

Ingrao, The Habsburg Monarchy, p. 167.

232

Derek Beales, Enlightenment and Reform in Eighteenth Century Europe (London: I.B. Tauris, 2005), p. 70.

233

Ludwig Zinzendorf, Grundsätze der Rechnungswissenschaft auf das Privatvermögen angewendet, zum Gebrauche der öffentlichen Vorlesungen bei den k.k. Ritterakademien und der Realschule. Erster Theil (Vienna, Johann Thomas von Trattnern: 1774) ∗48.B.3, ÖNB.

234

Ibid., ‘Vorbericht’, fols 3v–5v.

235

Ludwig Zinzendorf, Einleitung zu einem verbesserten Cameral-Rechnungs-Fuße auf die Verwaltung einer Herrschaft angewandt (Vienna, 1762), ∗48.G.42, ÖNB. Zinzendorf was noticeably impressed when an army officer applied double-entry bookkeeping to his personal finances after merely three months of study: Diary of Karl Zinzendorf, 17 October 1761, HHStA.

236

Ludwig Zinzendorf, Einleitung zur doppelten Buchhaltung. 1. Theil: Wissenschaft der Kaufleute und Buchhalter, aus dem Französischen des Herrn de la Porte übersetzt. Zweyter Teil. Enthaltend eine Erbschaftsabtheilung, eine Wirtschaftsrechnung und eine Finanzoperation. Anwendung der Doppelten Buchhaltung auf die Finanz-Operation so von denen gewährleistenden Herren Ständen der Böhmischen und Oesterreichischen Erblande vermöge k.k. Rezeß vom 25. Junii und Ständischen Patenten vom 30. Junii 1761 übernommen worden (Vienna, Prague and Trieste, 1762), 48.E.13, ÖNB.

237

Ludwig Zinzendorf, Praktischer Unterricht zu der verbeßerten doppelten Buchhaltung (Vienna: Johann Thomas Trattner, 1770), 308458-D, ÖNB.

238

Zinzendorf, Grundsätze der Rechnungswissenschaft, Vorbericht, fols 3r–3v, 6r–7v. The second part was published after Zinzendorf’s death by Johann Gottfried Brand, a lecturer of the Realhandlungsakademie: Johann Gottfried Brand, Grundsätze der Staatsrechnungswissenschaft. Zweiter Band.entält Rechnungsentwürfe sowie die Anwendung der Grundsätze auf das Grundvermögen zeigen (Vienna: Johann Thomas Trattner, 1785), 17.L.14., ÖNB. Subsequently, Brand also published a third volume, Grundsätze der Staatsrechnungswissenschaft. Dritter Band, entält Rechnungsentwürfe, welche die Anwendung der allgemeinen Grundsätze auf oekonomische und Finanzgegenstände des Staatsvermögens zeigen (Vienna: Johann Thomas Trattner, 1786), ÖNB.

239

Pettenegg (ed.), Selbstbiographien, p. 143.

240

Johann Heinrich Gottlob von Justi, Staatswirthschaft oder systematische Abhandlung aller oekonomischen und Cameralwissenschaften, die zur Regierung eines Landes erfordert werden, 2nd enlarged edition (Leipzig, 1758).

241

Keith Tribe, Governing Economy: The Reformation of German Economic Discourse 1750–1840 (Cambridge, 1988), pp. 57, 61.

242

Johann Heinrich Gottlob von Justi, Die Grundfeste zu der Macht und Glückseligkeit der Staaten oder ausführliche Vorstellung der gesamten Policeywissenschaft (2 vols, Königsberg and Leipzig, 1760), vol. 1, pp. 615–19; Johann Heinrich Gottlob von Justi, Abhandlung von der Macht, Glückseligkeit und Credit eines Staats (Ulm, Frankfurt and Leipzig, 1760), pp. 58–9.

243

Justi, Abhandlung, pp. 59–65.

244

Ibid., pp. 66–70.

245

Joseph von Sonnenfels, Grundsätze der Polizey, Handlung und Finanzwissenschaft (3 vols, Vienna, 1787).

246

Tribe, Governing Economy, p. 55.

247

Louise Sommer, Die österreichischen Kameralisten in dogmengeschichtlicher Darstellung (Vienna, 1920; reprint, Scientia Verlag Aalen, 1967), pp. 379, 380, 383.

248

Sonnenfels, Grundsätze, vol. 3, p. 466.

Ibid., pp. 466–75.

Ibid., pp. 475–76.

Ibid., pp. 477–78.

Grete Klingenstein, ‘Professor Sonnenfels darf nicht reisen. Beobachtungen zu den Anfängen der Wirtschafts-, Sozial- und Politikwissenschaften in Österreich’ in Hedwig Kopetz, Joseph Marko and Klaus Poier (eds.), Soziokultureller Wandel im Verfassungsstaat. Phänomene politischer Transformation (Band 90/II, 2004), pp. 829–42, at pp. 830–31.

253

Karstens, Die Karriere, pp. 97–8.

254

Klingenstein, ‘Between Mercantilism and Physiocracy’, pp. 198–99; Klingenstein, ‘Professor Sonnenfels’, p. 835.

255

Tribe, Governing Economy, p. 78.

256

Klingenstein, ‘Between Mercantilism and Physiocracy’, p. 199; Karstens, Die Karriere, pp. 83–4. For a discussion of the three volumes of Grundsätze, see Tribe, Governing, pp. 85–90.

257

For the argument of political economy as a new and important intellectual discipline in the eighteenth century, see John Robertson, ‘Enlightenment, Public Sphere and Political Economy’ in Jesús Astigarraga and Javier Usoz (eds.), L’économie politique et la sphère publique dans le débat des Lumières (Madrid: Casa de Velázquez, 2013), pp. 9–32.

258