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2020 | OriginalPaper | Chapter

11. The Last Soldier Standing? Courts Versus Politicians and the Rule of Law Crisis in the New Member States of the EU

Authors : Dimitry Kochenov, Petra Bárd

Published in: European Yearbook of Constitutional Law 2019

Publisher: T.M.C. Asser Press

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Abstract

The rule of law backsliding in Hungary and Poland revealed the EU’s significant vulnerabilities in the face of the need to uphold the values that the whole system of EU integration presumes are in place. The lessons are revealing: respecting the acquis does not guarantee continuing adherence to Article 2 TEU values; economic success in the Union does not necessarily entrench democracy and the rule of law; the tools available to preserve the rule of law are largely inadequate, as they could go against the key assumptions of the internal market. Consequently, the lack of political will to deal with the values’ crisis is not at all irrational, which makes it even more worrisome. What stands out from the grim picture is the revolutionary case law of the Court of Justice on judicial independence and mutual trust, which bridges the available infringement procedures with the outstanding problems and offers horizontal and vertical empowerment to the EU’s decentralised judiciaries – now able to intervene – while also resolving the competences conundrum through a broad reading of the principle of judicial independence as a key element of the rule of law. However inspiring, recent case law developments are insufficient, we argue, to deal with the sociological legitimacy crisis in tackling illiberal democracies plaguing the EU: autocratic legalism cannot be fought with legalism alone. Designing a long-term systemic approach to a complex re-articulation of EU values is indispensable, as enforcement is not a panacea per se.

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Footnotes
1
Scheppele 2017.
 
2
Pech and Scheppele 2017.
 
3
Cf. Krygier 2006, p 129, who anticipated the emergence of such templates long before the backsliding began.
 
4
CMLRev: editorial comment 2019; Dawson 2013, p 371.
 
5
On the shift of Article 2 TEU principles from ‘principles’ to ‘values’ without undermining the essence of the former, see Pech 2010.
 
6
Court of Justice (hereafter: ECJ), Associação Sindical dos Juízes Portugueses, 27 February 2018, case C-64/16, ECLI:EU:C:2018:117; Pech and Platon 2018; Ciampi 2018; Krajewski 2018; Parodi 2018.
 
7
For the criticism of the classical inter-court dialogue before the most recent case law, see, e.g., Kochenov and van Wolferen 2018.
 
8
This allowed the national courts under threat to deploy the preliminary ruling procedure in an innovative way in order to guarantee the preservation of their own independence: Biernat and Kawczyńska 2018; cf. Broberg 2017.
 
9
E.g. ECJ, Minister for Justice and Equality v LM, 25 July 2018, case C-216/18 PPU, ECLI:EU:C:2018:586; Rizcallah 2018; cf. Lenaerts 2017.
 
10
Compare ECJ, Commission v. Hungary, 6 November 2012, case C-286/12, ECLI:EU:C:2012:687 with ECJ, Commission v. Poland, case C-619/18 R, Order ex parte of 19 October 2018, EU:C:2018:852 and Order of 17 December 2018, EU:C:2018:1021.
 
11
On the difference, see Kochenov 2017a.
 
12
Even though numerous international organisations around the world face similar crises and are designed to resolve these with a varying degree of success: Closa 2017.
 
13
ECJ, Associação Sindical dos Juízes Portugueses, 27 February 2018, case C-64/16, ECLI:EU:C:2018:117, paras 36, 37 and 41.
 
14
Christophe Hillion predicted this development: Hillion 2016.
 
15
Pech and Platon 2018, pp 1833–1836.
 
16
Jakab 2016; Jakab 2017. Cf. von Bogdandy et al. 2017.
 
17
The connection with the Charter is however obvious: ECJ, Commission v. Poland, case C-619/18 R, Order ex parte of 19 October 2018, EU:C:2018:852 and Order of 17 December 2018, EU:C:2018:1021.
 
18
Especially when the backsliding Member States attempt to openly defy the Court: ECJ, Commission v. Poland, 17 April 2018, case C-441/17, ECLI:EU:C:2018:255.
 
19
ECJ, Commission v. Poland, case C-619/18 R, Order ex parte of 19 October 2018, EU:C:2018:852 and Order of 17 December 2018, EU:C:2018:1021.
 
20
Blokker 2016, 2018.
 
21
Scheppele 2018.
 
22
Daly 2019; Anselmi 2018.
 
23
Blokker 2019.
 
24
Kukovec 2015.
 
25
Cf. Roy 2015.
 
26
Day M (2018) Poland Becomes the First Country from Former Soviet Bloc to Be Ranked a ‘Developed Market’. www.​telegraph.​co.​uk/​business/​2018/​09/​24/​poland-becomes-first-country-former-soviet-bloc-ranked-developed/​ Accessed 14 February 2019.
 
27
Simon Z (2019) Hungary Becomes First ‘Partly Free’ EU Nation in Democracy Gauge www.​bloomberg.​com/​news/​articles/​2019-02-05/​hungary-becomes-first-partly-free-eu-nation-in-democracy-gauge Accessed 14 February 2019.
 
28
Kochenov 2017b.
 
29
European Commission 2017a. Cf., most importantly: Sadurski 2018; Bodnar 2018; Koncewicz 2018a; Koncewicz 2016. See also The Venice Commission for Democracy through Law 2016a, b.
 
30
European Parliament 2018. Cf., most importantly, Szente 2017; Scheppele 2015; Sólyom 2015; Bánkuti et al. 2012.
 
31
Council of the European Union 2014a, pp 20–21; European Commission 2014; European Parliament 2016. Cf. on all these instruments, Waelbroeck and Oliver 2017; Kochenov et al. 2016. Kochenov and Pech 2016; Oliver and Stefanelli 2016; but also see Hirsch Ballin 2016.
 
32
European Parliament 2017; European Commission 2017a; Scheppele and Pech 2017.
 
33
Kochenov 2019a, p 88.
 
34
Sedelmeier 2014; Müller 2014; von Bogdandy and Sonnevend 2015; Closa and Kochenov 2016; Jakab and Kochenov 2017; Pech and Scheppele 2017.
 
35
Kochenov and Pech 2015.
 
36
Council of the European Union 2014b, especially para 28.
 
37
Kelemen et al. 2018.
 
38
ECJ, Hungary v European Parliament, case C-650/18 (pending at time of writing). Cf. Kochenov 2019b, p 2082.
 
39
This is exactly why the objective of peace has proven to be unexportable: Williams 2010. Cf. Kochenov and Basheska 2016.
 
40
But see Hirsch Ballin 2016.
 
41
See, for a number of divergent perspectives, Amtenbrink et al. 2019.
 
42
ECJ, Commission v. Hungary, 6 November 2012, case C-286/12, ECLI:EU:C:2012:687; cf. Belavusau 2013.
 
43
ECJ, Commission v. Poland, case C-619/18, R Order ex parte of 19 October 2018, ECLI:EU:C:2018:852 and Order of 17 December 2018, ECLI:EU:C:2018:1021; cf. CMLRev: editorial comment 2019.
 
44
Kelemen 2017; Kelemen and Pech 2018.
 
45
Biernat and Kawczyńska 2018.
 
46
See the whole saga surrounding ECJ, Minister for Justice and Equality v LM, 25 July 2018, case C-216/18 PPU, ECLI:EU:C:2018:586.
 
47
As explained by President Lenaerts in the context of the EU citizenship law field: Lenaerts 2015.
 
48
De Ridder and Kochenov 2011.
 
49
As well as other values expressed in Article 2 TEU; Pech 2010; Kochenov 2017a, b, c, d; Magen and Pech 2018.
 
50
Klamert and Kochenov 2019.
 
51
Pech and Scheppele 2017, p 8.
 
52
Vachudova 2005.
 
53
Kochenov 2004. This focus had a profound impact on EU constitutionalism, informing both the doctrine and the law on EU values: Sadurski 2012.
 
54
For an analysis of why there have always been strong reasons not to believe the Commission’s assurances, see Kochenov 2008.
 
55
Inglis 2000.
 
56
Ott and Inglis 2002.
 
57
Cf. Vachudova 2005.
 
58
Kochenov 2008.
 
59
Hillion 2004.
 
60
Müller-Graff 1997, p 42; Maresceau 2001.
 
61
Sadurski 2012.
 
62
The cooperation between Fidesz and KDNP should not be regarded as a coalition, rather as a party alliance already in existence before the elections. According to their self-perception, their relationship is similar to the party alliance between CDU and CSU in the Federal Republic of Germany. KDNP is a tiny party which would probably not get into Parliament on its own. The insignificance of KDNP allows us to abbreviate for the sake of brevity: whenever the term ‘Fidesz government’ is used, the Fidesz-KDNP political alliance is meant.
 
63
Act C of 1997 on the Election Procedure.
 
64
Fidesz first governed between 1998 and 2002.
 
65
Scheppele 2013. Cf. Uitz 2015.
 
66
After Fidesz won the April 2018 elections and secured a 2/3 majority in the Parliament for the party, PM Orbán declared the end of the era of liberal democracy and stated that it was replaced by Christian democracy. Dostal et al. 2018, p 22. Instead of substantive changes, the new terminology can rather be explained by the recognition that the term ‘illiberal democracy’ ‘in English sounds like blood libel’. HVG, (2015) Orbán: Az illiberális demokrácia magyarul jól cseng. www.​hvg.​hu/​itthon/​20150519_​orban_​fekete_​barany Accessed 14 February 2019.
 
67
See, for the best analysis to date, Sadurski 2018.
 
68
Pacula 2017. Taking the President’s announcement of a 2018 constitutional referendum into account, this might change in the future: Kelly L (2017) Polish President Wants Referendum on Constitution in Nov 2018. www.​reuters.​com/​article/​poland-politics-president-constitution-idUSL8N1IQ6P0 Accessed 14 February 2019. For an immediate analysis, see Matczak 2017.
 
69
Cf. Magyar 2016.
 
70
Davies C (2016) The Conspiracy Theorists Who Have Taken over Poland. www.​theguardian.​com/​world/​2016/​feb/​16/​conspiracy-theorists-who-have-taken-over-poland Accessed 14 February 2019. Conelly and Koncewicz 2016.
 
71
Ibid.
 
72
Koncewicz 2018b. In Hungary the situation is similar: Könczöl 2018, p 246.
 
73
Freedom House 2017.
 
74
Grabowska-Moroz et al. 2018.
 
75
Sadurski 2012.
 
76
Koncewicz 2016.
 
77
In disregard of national and international criticism, on 8 December 2017, the laws on the Supreme Court and the Council were adopted by the Sejm, and on 15 December 2017 they were approved by the Senate.
 
78
Ustawa z dnia 23 marca 2017 r. o zmianie ustawy – Prawo o ustroju sądów powszechnych [Law amending the act on the organization of common courts system], OJ 2017, item 803, www.​dziennikustaw.​gov.​pl/​DU/​2017/​803 (in Polish) Accessed 14 February 2019.
 
79
The Venice Commission for Democracy through Law 2016a, b; European Commission 2017b, para 10.
 
80
Hungarian Constitutional Court (HCC) Decision 33/2012. (VII. 17.), Decision 45/2012. (XII. 29.), The Venice Commission for Democracy through Law 2012.
 
81
ECJ, Commission v. Hungary, 6 November 2012, case C-286/12, ECLI:EU:C:2012:687.
 
82
ECJ, Commission v. Poland, case C-441/17 R, Order of 20 November 2017, ECLI:EU:C:2017:877.
 
83
In ECJ, Commission v. Poland, 17 April 2018, case C-441/17, ECLI:EU:C:2018:255 the Court ruled that by carrying on with the logging in the Białowieża Forest, Poland failed to fulfil its obligations under EU law. Cf. Coutron 2018; European Papers Editorial 2017.
 
84
Koncewicz 2018c.
 
85
Halmai 2018, pp 23–42; Kelemen and Pech 2018. For the best general treatment of the concept, see, Cloots 2015.
 
86
HCC decision 22/2016. (XII. 5.).
 
87
Ibid.
 
88
For English language analyses, see Halmai 2017.
 
89
See inserted Article R) Fundamental Law. For the official government position, see Trócsányi 2018.
 
90
Kelemen 2018; Perju 2018; Halmai 2018.
 
91
Act XXV of 2017 on the Modifications of Act CCIV of 20011 on National Higher Education and Act LXXVI of 2017 on the transparency of foreign-funded organisations. According to the law on NGOs, any association or foundation receiving foreign support above the amount of 23.200 EUR per year will have to notify the courts about this fact. EU money is exempted, but only if distributed by the Hungarian state through a budgetary institution. The respective organisation will be labelled as a so-called ‘organization supported from abroad’, which will need to be indicated at the entity’s website, press releases, publications, etc. The law is disturbing in many aspects: it mimics Russian worst practices, which have been condemned by international organisations as violations of freedom of association and free speech.
 
92
Associated Press in Warsaw (2017) Police Raid Offices of Women’s Groups in Poland After Protests www.​theguardian.​com/​world/​2017/​oct/​05/​police-raid-offices-of-womens-groups-in-poland Accessed 14 February 2019.
 
93
The Hungarian Helsinki Committee et al. 2017.
 
94
For more details, see Szuleka 2018.
 
95
Article 353/ of Act C of 2012 on the Hungarian Criminal Code. For the official government position, see Website of the Hungarian Government (2018) Strong Action is Required Against the Organisers of Migration. www.​kormany.​hu/​en/​news/​strong-action-is-required-against-the-organisers-of-migration Accessed 14 February 2019. The Commission has recently started infringement proceedings against Hungary regarding this law.
 
96
Uitz 2017.
 
97
For a detailed enumeration of the discrepancies see The Hungarian Helsinki Committee et al. 2011. This technique is also employed the other way around: when the Venice Commission delivered its highly critical opinion of the Fundamental Law, it was interpreted by the Government, as if the Hungarian constitution was being praised. See The Hungarian Helsinki Committee 2011.
 
98
See Chancellery of the Prime Minister 2018.
 
99
See, as made public by MEP Ujhelyi, Ujhelyi 2018.
 
100
European Commission 2017a.
 
101
Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs 2017.
 
102
For an assessment of the Polish White Paper by the Polish Judges Association ‘Iustitia’, together with a team of experts, see Iustitia 2018. For an assessment of the Hungarian information sheet, see the lengthy criticism by Labanino and Nagy 2018.
 
103
Closa 2016, p 13.
 
104
Pech 2013.
 
105
Consequently, the debates about how best to block the inflow of EU funds to the backsliding Member States have been very vivid over the last years. E.g. Halmai 2019.
 
106
European Commission 2003, p 5.
 
107
The term ‘illiberal democracy’ was coined long ago, but it gained practical relevance in the EU after the Hungarian Prime Minister praised the concept in his speech given in Bălie Tuşnad on 25 July 2014. Cf. Frans Timmermans’ speech to the European Parliament: ‘There is no such thing as an illiberal democracy’ (Timmermans 2015a).
 
108
Politico 2015, p 15.
 
109
Cf. Itzcovich 2017; Avbelj 2017.
 
110
Hillion 2016; Besselink 2017; Kochenov 2017c.
 
111
European Commission 2017a.
 
112
European Parliament 2018.
 
113
As a consequence, the institutions see the solution in the power of the purse to provide disincentives for rule of law violations. See European Commission 2018.
 
114
ECJ, Associação Sindical dos Juízes Portugueses, 27 February 2018, case C-64/16, ECLI:EU:C:2018:117; Krajewski 2018; Pech and Platon 2018.
 
115
ECJ, Commission v. Hungary, 6 November 2012, case C-286/12, ECLI:EU:C:2012:687.
 
116
Hillion 2016.
 
117
E.g. ECJ, Commission v. Poland, case C-619/18 R, Order ex parte of 19 October 2018, EU:C:2018:852 and Order of 17 December 2018, EU:C:2018:1021.
 
118
It is impossible to argue that the Court was not aware of what was going on on the ground: AG Kokott outlined the relevance of the on-going ‘reform’ for the Rule of Law quite clearly in her Opinion in the case, see paras 54–55.
 
119
Scheppele 2016.
 
120
On the variety of approaches open to the Commission and the Court of Justice, see the general overview in Hillion 2016. Cf. Closa et al. 2014.
 
121
Kochenov 2017a.
 
122
Scheppele 2016; Kochenov 2015a.
 
123
Timmermans 2015b.
 
124
Lachmayer 2017.
 
125
Ahtisaari et al. 2001.
 
126
Uitz 2015.
 
127
E.g. Ioannidis 2017.
 
128
This provision has been deployed both against the logging in the Polish UNESCO-designated forest (case C-441/17 R) and in the context of the attempted ‘reform’ of the Supreme Court in the country, aimed at depriving it of independence (case C-619/18 R).
 
129
See, e.g., Kochenov 2015a.
 
130
On the main deficiencies of the system, see, most importantly, Jack 2013; Wennerås 2012; Wennerås 2017.
 
131
See, most importantly, Schmidt and Bogdanowicz 2018, p 1061; cf. Gormley 2017.
 
132
Fernández Esteban 1999; Pech 2016.
 
133
E.g. the contributions in Closa and Kochenov 2016; Jakab and Kochenov 2017; von Bogdandy and Sonnevend 2015; Müller 2013.
 
134
Palombella 2009; Palombella 2016; Kochenov 2015b.
 
135
von Bogdandy and Ioannidis 2014.
 
136
See, for a broad discussion, Kochenov et al. 2015.
 
137
For a much more critical restatement of this particular argument, see Kochenov 2016; Weiler 2016.
 
138
Kochenov 2008.
 
139
Please consult Kochenov 2015b, on which this and the following sections are based, for the full picture.
 
140
Palombella 2014, p 18. Similarly, see Georgiev 1993, p 4.
 
141
For an analysis of this perspective, see, ibid.; Palombella 2012; Palombella 2009, p 17. See also Palombella 2016.
 
142
Krygier 2014, p 78.
 
143
For a brilliant outline of the history of contestation, see Waldron 2002.
 
144
For a multi-disciplinary overview, see, e.g., Hadfield and Weingast 2014; cf. Levrat 2018, p 157; Pech 2009 and the literature cited therein. See also Pech 2013 on the ‘holistic understanding’ of the rule of law. For a special ‘Eastern-European’ perspective, which is particularly important in the context of the ongoing developments in the EU, see Přibáň 2009.
 
145
For key contributions, see Pech 2016; Morlino and Palombella 2010; Palombella and Walker 2009.
 
146
European Commission 2014.
 
147
The Venice Commission for Democracy through Law 2016b, as well as in the earlier version thereof: The Venice Commission for Democracy through Law 2011.
 
148
One should not forget the wise words of Joseph Raz: ‘We have no need to be converted into the rule of law just in order to believe […] that good should triumph’: Raz 1979, p 21.
 
149
Palombella 2016.
 
150
Reid 2004.
 
151
Palombella 2012.
 
152
For a detailed exposé, see Palombella 2016. See also Palombella 2009, p 30, emphasising that this duality should not be disturbed by democratic outcomes and ethical choices.
 
153
Krygier 2014, p 84.
 
154
Cf. Kumm 2010.
 
155
In a pre-constitutional state, the Rechtsstaat shapes a reality, in the words of Gianfranco Poggi, where ‘there is a relation of near-identity between the state and its law’: Poggi 1978, p 238 (as cited in Krygier 2014, p 84).
 
156
Roznai 2017, pp 179–196.
 
157
Frankenberg 2013.
 
158
Dworkin 2013.
 
159
For an argument that numerous Central and Eastern European states were actually motivated by the desire for external legal checks on their laws – a jurisdictio – when joining the Council of Europe, see Sadurski 2012.
 
160
Palombella 2012, chapter 2.
 
161
Mackenzie Stuart 1977. See also Bebr 1965. Cf. Levrat 2018.
 
162
ECJ, Partie Ecologiste ‘Les Verts’ v Parliament, 23 April 1986, case 294/83, ECLI:EU:C:1986:166, para 23. See also ECJ, EEA Agreement, Opinion 1/91, ECLI:EU:C:1991:490.
 
163
Fernandez Esteban 1999; also Everling 2010, p 701; Zuleeg 2010, pp 772–779. EU institutions’ own accounts of what is meant by the rule of law beyond the tautology of ‘being bound by law’ present a most diverse account, which found an expression in the EU’s external action: Pech 2013, p 108; Burlyuk 2015, p 509.
 
164
E.g. the contributions in Besselink et al. 2010.
 
165
Palombella 2016.
 
166
Ibid. Compare with M Krygier: ‘To try to capture this elusive phenomenon by focusing on characteristics of laws and legal institutions is, I believe, to start in the wrong place and move in the wrong direction’: Krygier 2006. See also Tamanaha 2006.
 
167
For a clear discussion of the relationship between constitutionalism and the rule of law, see Krygier 2017.
 
168
Naturally, this is not to say that we should do away with the political restraints. Indeed, the virtually complete depoliticisation of the law has been one of the key criticisms of the EU legal order: Přibáň 2015, p 193 and Wilkinson 2015.
 
169
Williams 2009.
 
170
Weiler 2009, p 51; Williams 2010.
 
171
For critical engagements, see Cremona 2011, p 275; Leino and Petrov 2009.
 
172
Article 3(5) TEU.
 
173
The crucial argument in this vein has been made, most powerfully, by Andrew Williams: Williams 2009. See, also, Weiler 2010.
 
174
See most recently ECJ, ECHR, Accession II, 18 December 2014, Opinion 2/13, ECLI:EU:C:2014:2454, para 170, which states that the fundamental rights in the EU are ‘interpret[ed] […] within the framework of the structure and objectives of the EU’.
 
175
Procedural principles cannot possibly replace the lack of substantive attention to the core values encompassed by Article 2 TEU, including the rule of law, threatening to cause a justice deficit of the Union: Kochenov et al. 2015. Cf. Halberstam 2015 and Eeckhout 2015; Kochenov 2010.
 
176
ECJ, Melloni, 26 February 2013, case C-399/11, ECLI:EU:C:2013:107.
 
177
ECJ, ECHR, Accession II, 18 December 2014, Opinion 2/13, ECLI:EU:C:2014:2454; Kochenov 2015b.
 
178
On the Kadi saga, see de Búrca 2010, p 1. See also, of course, ECJ, Kadi II, 18 July 2013, case C-584/10, ECLI:EU:C:2013:518.
 
179
Three equally important facets of the current crisis can be outlined: values; justice; and economic and monetary. On the crisis of values, see, e.g., Williams 2009 and Weiler 2010. On the crisis of justice: Kochenov et al. 2015. On the economic side of the crisis, see, e.g., Menéndez 2013; Adams et al. 2014.
 
180
Lindeboom 2018.
 
181
Peebles 1998; Kochenov 2017d.
 
182
On the key aspects of the dynamics of the EU’s legal history, see Davies and Rasmussen 2012.
 
183
Williams 2010.
 
184
Kochenov 2013.
 
185
Kymlicka 2006, p 134. See also Davies 2010.
 
186
Poiares Maduro 2007. For a very sophisticated analysis of the Union’s effects on the Member States, see Somek 2010a and Somek 2010b.
 
187
Perju 2012b.
 
188
See, e.g., Kochenov 2008, chapter 2.
 
189
Douglas-Scott 2015.
 
190
For the full text of the speech, see Tóth C (2014) The full text of Viktor Orbán’s speech at Băile Tuşnad (Tusnádfürdő) of 26 July 2014: www.​budapestbeacon.​com/​public-policy/​full-text-of-viktor-orbans-speech-at-baile-tusnad-tusnadfurdo-of-26-july-2014/​10592 Accessed 14 February 2019. In 2018 it was renamed as ‘Christian democracy’, but there is no substantive change behind the shift in terminology (see Sect. 11.2)
 
191
Cf. Venice Commission 2016.
 
192
Ioannidis 2017.
 
193
Perju 2012a, p 246.
 
194
ECtHR, MSS v Belgium and Greece, 21 January 2011, application no. 30696/09, ECLI:CE:ECHR:2011:0121JUD003069609. But see also the Bosphorus presumption of equivalent protection ECtHR, Bosphorus v Ireland, 30 June 2005, application no. 45036/98, ECLI:CE:ECHR:2005:0630JUD004503698 and ECtHR, Michaud v France, 6 December 2012, application no. 12323/11, ECLI:CE:ECHR:2012:1206JUD001232311, which survived even after Opinion 2/13 had been rendered: ECtHR, Avotiņš v Latvia, 23 May 2016, application no. 17502/07, ECLI:CE:ECHR:2016:0523JUD001750207.
 
195
Belavusau 2013, p 1145.
 
196
This point has been forcefully restated in the ECJ’s Opinion 2/13. See, e.g., para 192.
 
197
Ibid.
 
198
ECJ, Aranyosi and Căldăraru, 5 April 2016, joined cases C-404/15 and C-659/15 PPU, ECLI:EU:C:2016:198.
 
199
ECJ, Minister for Justice and Equality v LM, 25 July 2018, case C-216/18 PPU, ECLI:EU:C:2018:586.
 
200
Council of the European Union 2002.
 
201
ECJ, Minister for Justice and Equality v LM, 25 July 2018, case C-216/18 PPU, ECLI:EU:C:2018:586, para 70.
 
202
Ibid., para 73.
 
203
In Aranyosi and Căldăraru, the Court of Justice had an opportunity to clarify what those exceptional circumstances might be and it made an attempt to do so, but ultimately this led to more questions than it answered: see ECJ, Aranyosi and Căldăraru, 5 April 2016, joined cases C-404/15 and C-659/15 PPU, ECLI:EU:C:2016:198. For an analysis, see van Ballegooij and Bárd 2016.
 
204
ECtHR, Varga and others v. Hungary, 10 March 2015, application nos. 14097/12 etc., ECLI:CE:ECHR:2015:0310JUD001409712.
 
205
Act No. CX of 2016 amending Act No. CCXL of 2013 on the enforcement of punishments, measures, certain coercive measures and confinement for regulatory offences.
 
206
ECtHR, Domján v. Hungary, 14 November 2017, application no. 5433/17, ECLI:CE:ECHR:2017:1114DEC000543317.
 
207
ECJ, ML, 25 July 2018, case C-220/18 PPU, ECLI:EU:C:2018:547, Opinion of AG Campos Sánchez-Bordona, paras 51–54.
 
208
ECJ, ML, 25 July 2018, case C-220/18 PPU, ECLI:EU:C:2018:589, para 117.
 
209
Ibid. at para 90. Cf. van Ballegooij 2017.
 
210
ECJ, Minister for Justice and Equality v LM, 25 July 2018, case C-216/18 PPU, ECLI:EU:C:2018:586; cf. Dorociak and Lewandowski 2017.
 
211
High Court of Ireland decision of 12 March 2018, Minister for Justice and Equality v Celmer [2018] IEHC 119. For the final version of the preliminary reference, see High Court of Ireland decision of 23 March 2018, Minister for Justice and Equality v Celmer [2018] IEHC 119.
 
212
Bárd and van Ballegooij 2018a, b, c; van Ballegooij and Bárd 2018.
 
213
ECJ, Minister for Justice and Equality v LM, 25 July 2018, case C-216/18 PPU, ECLI:EU:C:2018:586, paras 47–48.
 
214
van Ballegooij and Bárd 2016, based on Bárd et al. 2016.
 
215
ECJ, Minister for Justice and Equality v LM, 25 July 2018, case C-216/18 PPU, ECLI:EU:C:2018:586, paras 76–77.
 
216
High Court of Justice in England, Pawel Lis et al., 31 October 2018, [2018] EWHC 2848 (Admin).
 
217
E.g. Eeckhout 2015; Halberstam 2015.
 
218
Sarmiento and Sharpston 2017.
 
219
See, further, Kochenov 2016
 
220
Cf. Palombella 2012.
 
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Metadata
Title
The Last Soldier Standing? Courts Versus Politicians and the Rule of Law Crisis in the New Member States of the EU
Authors
Dimitry Kochenov
Petra Bárd
Copyright Year
2020
Publisher
T.M.C. Asser Press
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-359-7_11

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