The Palgrave Handbook on China-Europe-Africa Relations

Table of Contents

1. Frontmatter

2. Introduction: Legacies and the New International Order

   Yichao Li, Francisco José B. S. Leandro, Jorge Tavares da Silva, Carlos Rodrigues

   Abstract

   A book is meaningful only if it continues to have relevance. Otherwise, it loses its grip on people, its readership shrinks, and eventually it fades out of sight. For the current manuscript, however, its prospects will be quite different especially for the near future. First, the book has emerged at a particularly sensitive juncture, one where the old international order faces unprecedented challenges, uncertainties and instability, and a new order revolving around China-Europe-Africa relations is in the making.

3. Europe-China Relations

   1. Frontmatter

   2. Cooperation Partners or Systemic Rivals? The EU-China Relations in the Light of a Changing International Environment

      Isabel Camisão, Paulo Vila Maior

      Abstract

      Over the last decades the European Union (EU) has tried to reassert its position internationally. The goal of a stronger Europe in the world featured as a priority in the political guidelines of the last three Presidents of the European Commission. But as patterns of power shifted and the international context became more complex and volatile, it became obvious that the EU needed to step up its game if it wants to maintain relevance as a global player. The idea of enhancing EU’s strategic autonomy as a way to defend and promote EU’s interests and values on the global stage gained ground. Whereas Europe tries to offset power lost, China experiences an impressive rise, transforming itself from an emergent to a great power. Despite acknowledging differences, in the strategic documents that framed the relation between the two actors, the EU claimed to be committed to engage and cooperate with China on the base of shared “broad common interests” (Council of the European Union 2012). However, in recent years the gap between the rules-based international order upheld by the EU and the international order supported by China has deepened. China’s recent stances (namely regarding the invasion of Ukraine by Russia) has further intensified the divisions. The EU’s narrative towards China has toughened and the EU-China relations appeared to have enter a downward spiral difficult to revert. Against the backdrop of an emerging new balance between challenges and opportunities, we find particularly relevant to analyse the evolution and the state of play of EU-China relations so as to see if the scale has been pending towards cooperation or rivalry. Using a loose adaptation of discourse analysis techniques, we will first analyse the chief documents that framed EU’s policy towards China since 1995. We will then assess if this discourse is translated in the level of economic and trade relations between the two powers. Our goal is to answer one main research question: Is the emphasis of the EU-China relations on cooperation or on competition and rivalry?

   3. The Impact of Global Gateway on EU-China Cooperation in the Framework of Belt and Road Initiative

      Pantea Mohebi Zanganeh, Mandana Tishehyar

      Abstract

      Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a transcontinental policy, which proposed by China in 2013, the largest investment plan that presented by one of the most important investors and trade partners of the EU. BRI covers six continents and connects 155 countries, via road, railroad, and maritime. In addition to the EU cooperation with China in some areas, the EU presented the Global Gateway (GG) as a viable alternative to the BRI to protect and enhance its infrastructure around the world. The main question of this study is: What would be the outcome of the GG for the EU in the cooperation and competition with BRI in order to gain and protect more interest? The authors try to analyze that while the EU aims to gain benefits through the cooperation with BRI, the EU members want to combat with the negative side-effects triggered by the BRI by operating a new initiative. After analyzing the EU-China cooperation in the framework of BRI since 2013, the authors will discuss the reasons of rising the Global Gateway project by the EU members and try to show how this program could help the EU to have more effective role in the continental and global levels and how they could avoid the negative outcomes of developing economic cooperation with China in both bilateral and multilateral levels in Europe. The authors will try to examine this idea in the framework of geopolitical approaches and apply a descriptive-analytical method.

   4. The European Union-China Cooperation in Operation Atalanta: The Presence of a Dragon and a Dove as Security Providers in the Gulf of Aden?

      Ana Paula Brandão

      Abstract

      China and the EU share common interests, among which the global security challenges, and the security and stability of Africa. They also converge in a rising international presence based on the preference for non-military means of exerting influence. However, they disagree on substantial fronts. Moreover, since the coronavirus pandemic, the EU has perceived China’s behavior as increasingly assertive and even aggressive. In this context, it is relevant to analyse a successful case of cooperation in a region of mutual influence, the EU NAVFOR Somalia. Using the theoretical framework of international actorness, this paper answers the research question: How have Operation Atalanta shaped the international presence of the EU and China as security providers in the Horn of Africa? We conduct a qualitative thematic analysis of selected EU and PRC official documents to identify, analyse, and report meaningful patterns within their discourses. Then we confront the discourses with the practice (patterns of action). The paper is organised into four sections. First, we present the theoretical framework, the key concepts, and the methodology. In the second section, we provide an overview of the security environment in the Gulf of Aden and the militarisation of the international response to piracy in the region. In the third section, we compare the capacity of both actors designed to address the threat. Finally, we analyse how the cooperation within the framework of Operation Atalanta shaped the presence of the EU and China in the region.

   5. Global Partners Not Contiguous Neighbors: The Potential of Sino-Portuguese Cooperation

      Francisco José B. S. Leandro, Yichao Li

      Abstract

      The year 2023 marks the 10th anniversary of the establishment of the Belt and Road Initiative (B&RI) (2013) and 20th anniversary of the establishment of the Forum for Economic and Trade Cooperation between China and Portuguese-speaking countries (2003). On the one hand, in 2013, capitalizing on the transformation of its economy, China launched the B&RI. This initiative can be perceived as a major global infrastructural, multi-sectoral, and multi-actor economic policy, designed not only to foster access with consent to markets and production centers, but also to contribute to creating a network of economic flows (Leandro and Duarte, The Belt and Road Initiative: An Old Archetype of a New Development Model. Palgrave Macmillan, 2020b, p. xii) as well as to advance new forms of interaction for development (perhaps even a new model for international relations). On another hand, Portugal regards the B&RI as an opportunity to continue de-bordering (Leandro and Duarte, The Belt and Road Initiative: An Old Archetype of a New Development Model. Palgrave Macmillan, 2020a), capitalizing on the unique advantages of Sino-Portuguese diplomatic relations, Portuguese heritage in the Macau SAR, Portugal's membership in the Community of the Portuguese-speaking countries (CPLP) where it is the second most important economy, its European Union (EU) membership, and its position as one of the world’s top 50 most dynamic economies. The B&RI has the potential to reduce the peripheral geographic condition of Portugal in the context of the EU space, explore the immense opportunities offered by the expansion of the continental shelf in the context of the strategic Portuguese triangle (Azores-Madeira-Continental Portugal), and redesign its cooperative relations among Portuguese-speaking countries (PSCs), among which Portugal ranks first in the “Ease of doing business index” (2021). Considering these different perspectives and interests, in this chapter, we propose the main research question: Based on the B&RI and the current development situation between China and Portugal, what can we expect from the future of Sino-Portuguese cooperation? To answer this question, we will evaluate Sino-Portuguese economic and trade relations since 2000 and explore potential points and areas of cooperation under the B&RI. This question is particularly important in the context of the current geo-economic tensions between global economic powers, and the fact that Portugal is an EU member state. Referring an economic diplomacy model, we will provide our answers through an inductive qualitative approach with multiple perspectives, data triangulation, primary sources, official sources, and media reports.

   6. Strategic Partnerships and the Promotion of Bilateralism: The Case of Sino-Russian Relationship

      Maria Papageorgiou, Mohammad Eslami

      Abstract

      The post-Cold War security structure became increasingly complex and perplexing, with no longer just a determination of allies and enemies. The emergence of “strategic partnerships” became a prevalent diplomatic tool for both states and organizations’ foreign policy. Albeit there is no consensus in academia on what strategic partnerships entail, their increasing diversity, and the various purposes they serve. Drawing on the literature on strategic partnerships, this study distinguishes three types: economic-oriented, security-oriented, and multifaceted-oriented. By employing the Sino-Russian strategic partnership as a case study, we examine the goal orientation of each of the two countries’ joint statements to better understand how their relationship has evolved and what the focus of each upgrade has been, while also prompting questions about the depth and long-term viability of such cooperation and the implications it holds for the emerging international system.

   7. Sino-Russian Relations in the Arctic: A Neoclassical Realist Perspective

      Viktoriya Nikitina Carvalho

      Abstract

      This research considers the Sino-Russian relations in the Arctic from a neoclassical realist perspective. The goal is to show that although current international pressures push Russia and China closer to each other, Chinese companies are reluctant in making investments in the development of the Northern Sea Route (NSR), and the Chinese interests in the Russian Arctic energy are still modest. In the growing pressures between the West and Russia, the Arctic is a strategic region where states are close to each other, NATO states and Russia. It is of great importance to understand the Sino-Russian relations in the Arctic and the prospects of that partnership as the main challengers to US hegemony. This chapter sought to answer the following research question: How do Chinese companies influence the dependence of Russia on Chinese investments to develop the Arctic? My conclusion is that Sino-Russian relations in the Arctic are evolving in a slow rhythm. Even if the Russian isolation from the West pushes Russia and China to a stronger partnership, Chinese companies are after all commercial entities that evaluate the risks and costs of investments. The Arctic still poses harsh climate conditions and Russia must develop crucial infrastructure to attract more investments. The Russian dependence on China will depend on China’s will to invest in the Arctic, which currently is not a top priority. This research was based on qualitative methods, namely the document-based method, where qualitative data was collected from first and second sources documents. Quantitative data was also valuable to strengthen our argument by comparing the number of total voyages and transits from Chinese shipping companies on the Northern Sea Route.

   8. China-EU Relations in the Context of China-US Strategic Competition

      Hongsong Liu

      Abstract

      The chapter asks the question of whether the EU will work together with the US to contain China’s rise in the context of China-US strategic competition. The European Commission observed that the balance of challenges and opportunities presented by China has shifted and that China should no longer be viewed as a developing country; instead, it is a leading power in technology with an aim to become the world leader (European Commission, 2020a). However, while the US’s and the EU’s policies towards China are generally convergent, they differ both at the strategic level and in specific areas. In the area of technology, the US strategic competition policy towards China is based on national security and has the primary goal of containing China's technological development (Bateman, 2022). The EU, on the other hand, takes an economic perspective and tries to shape a global technological order that is similar to its values and interests. The EU is moving away from the bipolar logic of choosing between the US and Chinese economies/technologies to develop an autonomous technology policy towards China. Unlike the US, the EU's policy towards China is both competitive and cooperative. Both the US and the EU are aware of the need to unify technological standards (European Commission, 2021; The White House, 2021), and both sides are sparing no effort to promote their own technological standards in order to grasp the dominance of technological standards-setting (U.S. Department of Commerce, 2022). Also, the EU has taken a series of initiatives aimed at enhancing its voice in the field of international technological standard setting in order to strengthen the EU's technological sovereignty (Cerulus & Barigazzi, 2021). As such, it is difficult for the US and the EU to carry out in-depth cooperation, and China-EU relations are characterised with selective cooperation and limited competition in the context of China-US strategic competition.

   9. China’s Position in Europe: The Cases of Portugal, Hungary, and Germany

      Yilin Huang

      Abstract

      China has long maintained cooperative relations with the European Union (EU). Beyond that, China’s bilateral relations with each EU member state have varied according to nuances in geopolitics, economic development, and other matters. The growth of China’s outbound investment and the expansion of its overseas influence have impacted numerous European countries. China has embarked on a new chapter in its engagement with all countries, including through the Belt and Road Initiative. This study targets the comparative differences in China’s employment of foreign direct investment with Portugal (an example from Southern Europe), Hungary (an example from Eastern Europe), and Germany (an example from the traditional ‘Western’ bloc). Based on the rationale of foreign direct investment, the neoliberal perspective explains the driving forces facilitating the formation of cooperative relationships. With reviews of three examples of bilateral relations and comparisons of policies towards China, this research should have an individual panorama of various characteristics. The findings of this research aim to provide a diverse and practical perspective on the bilateral relations of countries with various development processes with China so that it can provide an answer to the research question: What characteristics of Chinese investments in Europe can be summarised by the three cases of this research?

   10. China vis-à-vis the EU: The Competition for Africa’s Smart Cities

       Luis Miguel da Vinha, Hongyi Liang

       Abstract

       Rapid population growth and urbanization have placed considerable pressure on African cities. Urban sprawl, traffic congestion, environmental degradation, and criminal activity associated with these phenomena have increasingly seized policymakers’ attention. In an attempt to address these challenges, governments across Africa have embraced the concept of smart cities as a way to capitalize on new technologies and data analytics to address the pressing economic, social, and political realities facing dynamic urban environments. Currently, China, the European Union (EU), and the United States are the largest providers of smart city technologies, and they are increasingly targeting the African market. China has used a host of bilateral and multilateral agreements to provide Smart City solutions as part of its Digital Silk Road initiative. The EU has also recently increased its commitment to strengthening its relationship with African states and boosting its provision of many of the digital products and services underscoring smart cities. However, China and the EU embrace two distinct approaches to smart city development. The Chinese approach emphasizes pragmatic goals and seeks to strengthen state capacity. In contrast, the EU’s approach rests on a development perspective that looks to empower citizens. Ultimately, these two contrasting approaches to smart cities embody significantly different conceptions of democracy and the relationship between state actors and citizens. As both China and the EU increase their digital development initiatives in Africa, this chapter assesses how the growth of smart cities in Africa will affect Sino-European relations. More precisely, it seeks to understand how the growing competition between China and the EU to shape Africa’s Smart Cities can contribute to the emerging geopolitical competition among the two actors. To do so, we analyze key Chinese and European strategic policies for promoting smart city technologies in Africa, assessing their potential for promoting Sino-European competition in defining the future of Africa’s smart cities.

   11. China’s Role in the EU’s Discursive ‘Spatialization’ of Africa: A Critical Geopolitical Approach

       Ines M. Ribeiro, Rita Pereira

       Abstract

       Stemming from the structural implications that global normative geopolitical shifts represent for our societies, literature on the intersection between History, Geopolitics, and Discourse grew under Critical Geopolitics (CrG). This hybrid sub-disciplinary field is gaining interest for its approach to deconstructing and critiquing the ‘spatialization’ of international politics and of the normative character of competing geopolitical imaginations (Ó’Tuathail and Agnew, Political Geography 11:190–204, 1992). Recent case studies include China (Gonzalez-Vicente, Dialogues in Human Geography 11:248–252, 2021), Asia–Pacific (Zeng and Zhang in East Asian Affairs 01, 2021), Russia (Omelicheva, International Politics 53:708–726, 2016), even outer space (Klinger, 2021). And whilst a lot has been written about EU-China relations (Geeraerts in: Christiansen et al. Kirchner et al. Murray (eds) The Palgrave handbook of EU-Asia relations, Palgrave, 2013; Levy and Révész, Journal of Chinese Political Science 27:457–491, 2021), EU-Africa relations (Haastrup, Journal of European Integration 35:785–800, 2013; Haastrup et al., in The Routledge handbook of EU-Africa relations, Routledge, 2021), and China-Africa relations (Xing and Farah, China-Africa Relations in an Era of Great Transformations, Taylor & Francis, 2016; Kalu, in Place Branding and Public Diplomacy 17:336–347, 2020), there is a topic warranting further research: how the EU has reacted to China’s presence and influence in one of its (if not the) most important foreign policy regions. Against this backdrop, the proposed research aims to address this knowledge gap by studying how the EU’s discursive ‘spatialization’ of Africa as its area of responsibility in the fields of security and development factors in China’s growing interests and presence therein, which are substantially normatively different than those of the EU. In order to do so, a CrG-based empirical study is proposed, based on the triangulation of critical discourse analysis and document analysis of corpora, as well as scientific literature. The chapter is expected to contribute to the deepening of the knowledge of an area in EU-China relations that may appear marginal, but is, in fact, crucial for the projection of each actor’s foreign policy interests and identity. The chapter also contributes to furthering the debate on CrG, and its primary focus on the EU’s perspective leaves room for future research focusing on China’s viewpoint.

   12. Climate Change and (dis)connectivity in Global Governance: the Role of China, the EU, and the Cooperation Prospects for a Green(er) Future in Africa

       Andrea Valente, Claudia Favarato, Nuno Canas Mendes

       Abstract

       International relations today revolve around a variety of topics and complexities, amongst which climate change and connectivity occupy a central role. The inevitability of these two issues in determining any world power policy agenda drives states’ and regional blocs’ posture towards cooperating or competing with others. This chapter discusses climate change as a driving force of global governance. In considering the performance of China and the European Union within this system, the analysis also emphasizes how connectivity strategies are shaping the two world powers’ agendas. Connectivity has become the latest buzzword in international relations, making up for the shortfalls of globalization whilst adding new strategical elements to the deepening of ties amongst different world regions. This chapter departs from the central assumption that these two topics are unavoidable in the international system and that understanding great powers’ strategies towards them will enlighten the debate on global leadership. Secondly, it argues that understanding the role of two specific powers, China and the EU, in promoting or leading through these vectors is particularly useful to illustrate the ever-growing competition-cooperation dilemma. Thirdly, it sustains that understanding China and the EU’s stance on these issues cannot be separated from analysing how Africa is perceived. Based on a qualitative analysis of the literature, the chapter provides a snapshot of global climate governance and connectivity, considering China and the EU. The analysis then considers Africa's role in their agendas, intending to discuss how the competing-cooperating dilemma frames their actions. Looking at how China and the EU intend and can cooperate with the continent will allow for two main inferences: on the one hand, the capacity and willingness of these two actors for global leadership in these two domains; on the other hand, the prospects for Africa to benefit from bi, tri, or multilateral cooperation in the implementation of a sustainable development path.

   13. Critical Raw Materials and Strategic Relations between the EU and China: The Role of the EU Critical Raw Materials Act

       Jorge Fernández Gómez, Macarena Larrea Basterra, Jaime Menéndez Sánchez, Stephanía Mosquera-López

       Abstract

       Critical raw materials (CRM) are essential for the success of the twin green and digital transitions worldwide. While every country will require access to CRM supply for achieving decarbonization targets, only a few of them (particularly, China) are home to or control the main global mining deposits or mineral refining capacities. This constitutes a serious hazard for countries that lack clear access to CRM supplies and, consequently, are developing risk mitigation strategies to avoid the costly impact of CRM shortages. An example of this is the European Union (EU), which in 2022 announced a Critical Raw Materials Act, a proposal of which was presented in March 2023, that builds on former EU policies on this topic. Assessing the response of the EU to the high dependency on imports from China of certain CRM that are strategic for the twin transition is crucial to reduce the geopolitical vulnerability of the EU. Moreover, with the expected increase in demand for many of these CRM as Europe moves forward in its decarbonization goals, the dependence on China could even increase in the future. This chapter aims to answer the following research question: how is the EU responding to the increasing risks related to CRM supply and, particularly, to China’s dominant position in most of the associated value chains? Based on the literature on criticality assessment and mitigation strategies for supply risk and the economic impact of supply disruptions, we construct an analytical framework to evaluate the four main pillars initially proposed by the CRM Act, namely, focus on strategic applications; strengthening the supply chain; anticipation through collaboration; and developing a sustainable, level playing field. Lastly, in the light of this evaluation, we discuss the potential implications of the CRM Act for EU-China relations and suggest that a coopetition, rather than competition, approach could better help to materialize opportunities embedded in the common need to move forward with the global energy transition.

   14. China-Europe Railway Express: The Establishment of the New Euro-Asia Link

       Chengyu Si, Ran Guan, Eusebio Chia-hsin Leou

       Abstract

       Since China proposed the “Belt & Road” initiative (BRI) in 2013, it has been committed to strengthening cooperation with countries along the route and establishing interconnected and economically win-win situation. The traditional logistics corridors between Asia and Europe mainly include sea freight corridors, air freight corridors, and road transportation corridors. China regards railway transportation the “China-Europe Railway Express” as a key infrastructure, by using the Eurasian intercontinental railway network, for promoting the transcontinental transportation and logistics between China and Europe. Under the context of economic globalization and regional economic integration, more countries are complementing each other's advantages through regional economic cooperation to enhance the respective economic development levels. From geopolitical perspective, the “China-Europe Railway Express” can be considered as an Expression of the ambitious for promoting the BRI, to encourage more economical and commercial cooperation among countries along the railway. This study aims to solve the following research questions: (1) What is the relationship between transportation development and regional economic and trade cooperation; (2) How does transportation development impact regional cooperation between China and Europe; (3) What are the solutions to regional cooperation disputes caused by transportation. This study takes the China-Europe Express as an example, by analyzing its development history, economic impact, and risks, in an attempt to identify the long-term mode of cooperation between transportation and regional economic and trade. The study generated the following conclusions: (a) The development of transportation plays a crucial role in promoting regional economic and trade cooperation; (b) For regional cooperation between China and Europe, the China-Europe freight trains have strengthened the economic and trade cooperation between the two sides, promoting investment and economic growth; (c) Strengthening transport coordination, developing uniform transportation standards and regulations, optimizing transport routes, and improving operational efficiency are effective ways to avoid risks and resolve regional cooperation disputes.

   15. Rethink of the EU Strategy in the Indo-Pacific Region

       Eusebio Chia-hsin Leou, Chung-hung Cho

       Abstract

       In recent years, the emergence of China along with its rise of the “Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)” made the Chinese expansion in foreign trade to central and eastern Europe, coupled with the intensification of the conflict between the US and China; thus, the EU had to think about its role in the Asia-Pacific region. The EU revised its Asian policy that focuses on China and began to strengthen relations with Japan, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), India, and other countries. The EU also intended to decentralize the Chinese market and contend against China; therefore, an idea about replacing the “Asia Pacific” with “Indo-Pacific” came into being. The Vice President of the European Commission and High Representative of the EU, Josep Borrell, has made numerous statements on China that refused to take side between US and China and refused a new Cold War with a world divided into two blocs. He stressed that the EU has to do things “its own way”. This study seeks to understand the following research questions: (1). what is the way of the EU’s Indo-Pacific Strategy; (2). how the EU and its Member States formulate their policy toward Indo-Pacific region; (3). how does the EU transform its rules and values into regional influence. From the approach of policy analysis, the EU’s foreign policy can be clarified by basing on two pillars: first is pragmatic but not limit to the ideology, a flexible position in handling of issues but focus on substantial interests; second is normative diplomacy, maintaining the principle of “change through trade” to promote international European values and interests. As a normative power, the EU often uses its rules and values to strengthen its regional behavior when developing its relationship with the Indo-Pacific countries. This study would like to generate the following findings: (a). for the EU, pragmatic interests are rather than ideological confrontation; (b). normative and pragmatic aspects are engaged in a tug-of-war with each other in the EU’s Indo-pacific policy; (c). the EU’s moderate policy of “change through trade” turns out “no change through trade”.