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2018 | OriginalPaper | Chapter

8. The Policy of Active Neutrality

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Abstract

In 1962, Ö. Undén was replaced by the new Minister of Foreign Affairs, Torsten Nilsson, who is in his exposé on foreign policy, given in the parliament in April 1963, for the first time employed the term “active policy of neutrality” (af Malmborg Neutrality and state-building in Sweden 2001a, p. 161). This new category did not herald the resignation from such staples of the policy of neutrality as credibility or the strong army.

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Footnotes
1
It was then that Olof Palme, when talking about Swedish policy of neutrality, started using the term the “policy of active neutrality.”
 
2
It should be noted that the Premier was referring to all small states, even those remaining in the alliance with the superpowers.
 
3
Until then, it was considered permissible, as long as it entailed cooperation with other states; for more see: Dalsjö (2006, pp. 111–113).
 
4
It must be mentioned that no new arrangements were worked out in the 1970s.
 
5
Swedish authors sometimes use the term “open membership application” in this context; see: Stråth (2000, p. 377).
 
6
Nordek, in Swedish: Organisationen för nordiskt ekonomiskt samarbete, Nordic economic cooperation similar to the European Economic Community EEC, based on a proposal in 1968 by Danish Prime Minister Hilmar Baunsgaard.
 
7
On the initiative of the Norwegian Labour Party, a referendum on the membership was held, in which the majority of citizens voted against their country joining the structures of European Communities. This brought about serious divisions in the Norwegian Left; see: Stråth (2000, pp. 378).
 
8
It appears that the foundations of this line of policy (inter alia, credible policy of neutrality based on strong armed forces) were simply embedded into the Swedish national identity by long-term governing of SAP.
 
9
More references were made to the fact that Sweden belonged to the West in terms of culture and civilization.
 
10
Since the USSR was perceived as a potential aggressor, it was assumed that the nuclear potential of the United States would deter the Soviet Union from launching an attack.
 
11
One of its foundations was the claim that Swedish policy of neutrality does not mean staying neutral ideologically.
 
12
Traditionally expected mostly from the USSR.
 
13
In 1982, there were seven verified intrusions of foreign submarines into the territorial waters of Sweden, in 1983 six, in 1984 eleven, and seven in 1985. These were the only incidents verified beyond doubt; however, there were more with some measure of probability. Swedish Navy and Coast Guard organized the so-called “hunting” of submarines which was too force foreign vessels to leave the Swedish territorial waters by means of depth charges and other measures. The most famous actions happened in Hårsfjärden in 1982 in the vicinity of Swedish naval base in Muskö and in the area of Karlskrona in 1984; more on the subject in: Tunander (2004, pp. 2–3).
 
14
O. Tunander claims that some of the spotted vessels of the time may have belonged to NATO states (USA, Great Britain, West Germany or even Italy) and the point was to check Swedish defense ability and determination in protecting own territory as well as to cause an appropriate psychological effect, i.e. to show the Swedes the scale of threat and thus to make them change their attitude towards the Soviet Union into a more negative one; see: Tunander (2004, pp. 10–11).
 
Literature
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Metadata
Title
The Policy of Active Neutrality
Author
Ryszard M. Czarny
Copyright Year
2018
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-77513-5_8