The Politics of Social In/Exclusion in the EU

Table of Contents

1. Frontmatter

2. Chapter 1. European Societies, EU Politics, and Social In/Exclusions of Minorities

   Markus Thiel, Ernesto Fiocchetto, Jeffrey D. Maslanik

   Abstract

   The introductory chapter sets the stage for the theoretical framework of this book and previews the proposed examination of in/exclusion of social and ethnic minorities in four European case countries. It poses two main research questions, one asking about the effects of the structural changes caused by subsequent crises in the EU on social in/exclusion, and the second inquiring to what extent the political mobilization linked to identity politics has furthered in/exclusion. In its political sociology-oriented analysis, it highlights the bottom-up character by which European citizens have assumed a larger role in national and EU politics. In this political activity field marked by risks and fluidity, citizens can become more active when salient identity issues are at stake, but they are also more exposed to political manipulation or disengagement from the standard liberal democratic processes and norms. This introduction thus makes the case for the political significance, as well as for the scholarly recognition, of augmented societal influences in the fast-changing political European environment. In doing so, it previews the main two research questions surrounding social in/exclusion, argues for more research in this political sociology subfield, and defines social inclusion within the context of contentious politics.

3. Chapter 2. The Euro-/Refugee-/Security/Fragmentation/Environment/Corona-Crises: The New Europeanized ‘Normal’?

   Markus Thiel, Ernesto Fiocchetto, Jeffrey D. Maslanik

   Abstract

   This chapter moves toward the structural environment in the EU and shows how crises have become the new ‘normal’ as postulated in the concepts of (post)modern global ‘risk societies’ (Beck in Global risk society. The Wiley-Blackwell Encyclopedia of Globalization, Wiley, 2015a; Beck, Current Sociology 63:75–88, 2015b), embedded in what (Bauman in Liquid modernity. Wiley, 2007) calls ‘liquid modernity’. Given the rapidly changing demographic, economic, ecological, technological, and political environments, national political cultures and politics are exposed to vulnerabilities that cannot easily be adapted to, especially since globalization and Europeanization have diminished domestic problem-solving sovereign policy structures. This opens up the politics of inclusion to political mobilization and manipulation, as well as to the securitization of national welfare. To illustrate this process, the Euro-, Refugee-, Security-, Fragmentation-, Environmental, and Pandemic crises of the recent past are examined. The recurrence and the residual impacts of these crises make it more difficult for European societies, governments, and the EU institutions to constructively develop a robust vision for social inclusion and regional integration more generally. In theoretical terms, this chapter highlights the ‘politicization’ and eventual (de)‘securitization’ of previously mundane social policy issues in the process, and the polarization over those topics.

4. Chapter 3. Identity Politics, Political Mobilization, and Social In/Exclusions

   Markus Thiel, Ernesto Fiocchetto, Jeffrey D. Maslanik

   Abstract

   This chapter focuses on individual and collective political activism marked by identity politics, and the contextual societal components characterizing contemporary European politics. It highlights how individual aspects of social identities such as gender and sexuality or ethnicity and race are connected to political cultures, i.e., the attitudes of citizens toward governance, in domestic and regional clusters in (Southern, Western, Northern, Central, and Eastern) Europe. Moreover, it provides evidence of political participation as expressed through voting and other participatory actions such as petitions, demonstrations, boycotts, etc. It traces the transformation of political culture and participation from traditional, more passive stances in representative democracies to more activated forms of political engagement, based on increased education, information, and identity politics. These characteristics, however, are more pronounced among political and economic elites, resulting in equality and participation gaps. Hence this chapter details the agency that citizens express, but also highlights how domestic socio-economic structural factors, such as the form of national governance, political economy, and degree of Europeanization play a role, as these factors contribute to a particular form of domestic political culture. Moreover, they condition the politicization, i.e., the increasing awareness and contentiousness of political issues, in each EU member state.

5. Chapter 4. The Politics of In/Exclusion in the EU: Gender and LGBT+

   Markus Thiel, Ernesto Fiocchetto, Jeffrey D. Maslanik

   Abstract

   This chapter examines in detail social inclusion issues of gender and sexual minorities in Europe, focusing on the state of women’s and LGBT+ equality claims and policies in the EU. The increasing diversity within European states, as well as fragility of liberal democratic governance and the emergence of populist right-wing politics elicit contestations of gender and sexuality equality claims. At the same time, the EU institutions provide their own complementary equality policies, though with somewhat limited impact. As a result, ongoing socio-political and demographic inclusion challenges have not been addressed sufficiently on domestic and EU levels. This despite the fact that women’s movements have been active for decades now and the EU advocates the mainstreaming of gender into all policies. Yet the lack of gender equality becomes evident in gender violence, the construction of gender as ‘ideology’, and the lack of feminist representation and equality, for example. Similarly, LGBT+ rights still vary substantially across Europe, though they have received outsize visibility as a new ground for contesting Europe’s liberalism by more conservative factions. Thus the salience of sexual orientation and gender identity issues evidence the increase in actor-driven identity politics, but also shows that societal inclusion is accompanied by exclusion.

6. Chapter 5. Political Mobilizations Regarding Gender and LGBT+: Poland, Germany, Spain, and Sweden

   Markus Thiel, Ernesto Fiocchetto, Jeffrey D. Maslanik

   Abstract

   This chapter concentrates on the repercussions of gender and LGBT+ -related issues in socio-political areas, from the political mobilization of individuals and political parties to the advocacy of civil society actors that provide services and activate the citizenry. Together, these actors contribute to varying levels of societal in/exclusion that are traced over the past two decades for four specific case countries that represent various EU subregions. In Poland, Germany, Spain, and Sweden, gender and LGBT+ rights have become more salient, however, with diverging socio-political responses: while in Spain and Sweden political and civil society actors, by and large, have created stronger gender-friendly regimes, Germany and particularly Poland, confront backlash from specific socio-political sectors that jeopardize gender and LGBT+ inclusion. While civil society actors are critical to achieving more inclusive societies in the four case studies, political opposition to these rights has emerged in all of them with diverse results. Using various relevant gender indexes and public opinion data together with policy tracing, the country cases illustrate the diversity of inclusion outcomes and the underlying polarization within and among EU member states, with particular reference to the notion of ‘crises’ and ‘risks’ (of equality, patriarchal cultures, and families, among others).

7. Chapter 6. The Politics of In/Exclusion in the EU: Refugees and Migrants

   Markus Thiel, Ernesto Fiocchetto, Jeffrey D. Maslanik

   Abstract

   This chapter focuses on another increasingly contentious inclusion policy area: the lack of solidarity among member states when developing an effective and sustainable refugee and asylum policy, with attendant questions of redistribution, reception, integration, and border-management. These issues have produced insecurities among citizens, migrants, and refugees, and caused tensions between member state governments, with detrimental effects for the perceived performance of the EU. Coincidentally, however, civic activism for/against hosting refugees has increased, in part to fill in governmental gaps and in part as a result of societal tensions. This chapter brings together a compelling set of politicized issues regarding refugees and migrants including debates on how to best manage asylum within and migration to the EU in view of the considerable political and economic differences between states. Despite the EU’s joint values and decision-making in these areas, the EU is facing a crisis of solidarity and burden-sharing, for instance regarding the reform of the Dublin Regulation or the implementation of the Common European Asylum System. This chapter also sheds light on the challenges concerning sovereignty and the ability of the EU to de-securitize these issues for European societies, exemplified, for instance, by the Visegrad 4 states’ rejection of asylum redistribution.

8. Chapter 7. Political Mobilizations Regarding Refugees and Migrants: Poland, Germany, Spain, and Sweden

   Markus Thiel, Ernesto Fiocchetto, Jeffrey D. Maslanik

   Abstract

   Post-colonial and guest-worker immigration from non-EU states, together with the refugee waves of the past decade, have become politicized issues in national and EU-level politics and led to the rise of populist politics based on years of policy neglect. Hence an increasing socio-political polarization over immigration, asylum, and citizenship emerged in EU member states, which weakens social cohesion and inclusion. This has led to racism and discrimination against migrants—especially if they are Muslim—in many areas of life and is reflected in lower educational attainments, lower job placement rates, and less political participation and representation. In addition, far-right parties and movements across Europe have used their presence to advance exclusive-nativist positions. The corresponding lack of inclusion is recognized by progressive CSOs that aim to support refugee reception and migrant integration, aid the state in service provision, and have become essential interlocutors co-determining the societal in/exclusion of those minorities. Using the Migrant Integration Policy Index, we trace the political mobilizations and highlight some of the most prevalent in/exclusion trends in the four case countries Poland, Germany, Spain, and Sweden.

9. Chapter 8. Conclusion: Social In/Exclusions of Minorities in an Uncertain European Future

   Markus Thiel, Ernesto Fiocchetto, Jeffrey D. Maslanik

   Abstract

   The conclusion chapter brings together an overview of the key components regarding social in/exclusion analyzed throughout the book. It highlights the linkages and gaps between the EU-level formulation of policies and their domestic implementation, the differences between member states, as well as between various aspects of social inclusion as measured by the most important indexes. Moreover, this chapter lays out future challenges for the inclusion of gender and sexual minorities, as well as migrants and refugees : changing demographics and the impact on Europe’s economies and welfare systems, increasing cultural and social diversity, geopolitical fragmentation in the European and global governance systems , human rights culture wars, artificial intelligence and the political challenges, expectations, and activisms regarding social inclusion. It stresses that in all these areas, societal inclusions as well as political exclusions co-determine the range of possible actions the EU can take to prove more resilient in an uncertain time. It posits that while shared governance through the EU has come under pressure, given the complex interplay of often rapidly emerging issues, it is in the best interest of states to respond to those, taking into account civic input and activism.

10. Backmatter