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2019 | OriginalPaper | Chapter

5. The Third Phase: Self-criticism

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Abstract

Joan Robinson had the time to rethink her thoughts on China in the light of greater information. She admitted that she had no special knowledge of China. During her visits, she was dependent on interpreters and the preferences of those showing her around. However, she thought it was her duty to balance the hostile view of China spread in the world by the China-watchers. What happened during the decade beginning 1966 was described as “a medieval drama of ambition and treachery”. On the whole, Joan Robinson was able to accept the major part of the post-Mao reform because she had had no serious problems with the rightist economic policies and management even in the past. The problem was not so much with the capitalist road as with Confucian respect for hierarchy. As the two were considered one in the cultural revolution and violently attacked, the self-criticism seems incomplete.

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Footnotes
1
Robinson (1976a, 92).
 
2
Her uneasiness seems to have started with the news of the Lin Piao affair. Writing now for the Spectator, she conceded: “Knowing the language, of course, is an enormous benefit to the traveller, but it does not make very much difference to what he is able to report, for everyone he comes across is exceedingly discreet with a foreigner. For instance, soon after the death of Lin Piao, there was no one in China who had not heard of the official explanation of what had happened, but the resident foreigners never could get a word about it from their Chinese colleagues and friends” (Robinson, 1972, 321) But see also Robinson (1975b, 217), where she disputes the suggestion that, contrary to the official story, Lin had no ultra-left links.
 
3
Robinson (1954, 1975a).
 
4
Robinson (1954) and Robinson and Adler (1958).
 
5
There was no change in her view of the North Korean “economic miracle”. See Robinson (1976a, 92, 1977b).
 
6
Watson’s description of the book as a “superficial survey” had invited a sharp reaction from her. See Watson (1969, 164, 1970) and Robinson (1970, 4).
 
7
Beitelheim (1974).
 
8
See Robinson (1964c).
 
9
Ironically, Han Suyin’s review of The Cultural Revolution had noted: “She shows that a personal struggle for succession such as followed the passing of Lenin and Stalin is being made impossible by the Cultural Revolution” (1969, last page).
 
10
This Joan Robinson was different from the one who, during the euphoria of the cultural revolution, had advised Samuelson “pointedly that it would be good for sedentary professors to lead a more active life in countryside”. See Feiwel (1989, 136). Later she also talked of “the dreadful story of obscurantist persecution of scientists, which destroyed much valuable work and ruined many valuable lives” (Robinson, 1980, last page).
 
11
Griffin and Gurley (1985, 1135) note that Joan Robinson “questioned most of Bettelheim’s interpretations of new policies, alleging either that the policies are not really new or that they are not incompatible with the pursuit of socialism”.
 
12
According to one reviewer, Joan Robinson’s “pro-Chinese bias is prevalent throughout the book sometimes even at the cost of objectivity” (Dhesi, 1981, 668). Bruton (1981, 195) accused her “of resolving all puzzles with a call for rational planning or a reference to China”. Bronfenbrenner (1980, 1582) remarked that it was written “with one eye cocked on China”. Helleiner was dismissive: “One cannot honestly recommend it—not even to intelligent radical friends” (1980, 517).
 
13
See Ch’en (1969).
 
14
See Nolan (1983a, b, 1988).
 
15
In the days of cultural revolutionary fervour, Joan Robinson did not think that the Chinese “suffer from not waving their flag of national income” (Robinson, 1968, 691–2).
 
16
In fact, the growth of inputs had been rapid. However, for the growth of output, “the system needed a lot of capital” (Nolan, 1988, 54).
 
17
According to White (1989): “[W]hat must have exacerbated the conflict [during the cultural revolution] was that in China the economic pie had to be tranched in such small wedges.”
 
18
After noting that Joan Robinson “was never the one to accept being told what to believe”, one obituary went as far as to claim that disillusionment with China may have been a cause of her death: “Joan Robinson was undoubtedly shaken by discovering that she had failed, like everyone else, to understand that China, even in a cultural revolution, presents a carefully laundered face to foreigners, however friendly. It was thus possible for the enemies of China and of socialism to criticise Joan Robinson’s work for SACU in a way that she found difficult to refute. This surely depressed her and is likely to have been a cause of the severe stroke that effectively killed her” (Hart, 1983, 27).
 
19
She now knew more: “Too much broke loose in the process and there was conflict, even with guns, in many places” (Robinson, 1980, last page). For an interesting explanation of the causes of violence during the cultural revolution, see White (1989).
 
20
A commentator had wondered: “Her account makes a very seductive reading, for the picture it presents of the Chinese economy is one of remarkable harmony.” See China Quarterly (1973, 799).
 
21
Raj (1983, 73) also takes the view that the communes permitted large-scale investment in agriculture. The impact of the post-Mao price incentives has to be seen in the perspective of the constraints relaxed by this investment. According to Lardy (1988, 256), per capita farm private investment in 1983 was less than its level during the period before the formation of cooperatives.
 
22
Earlier she had noted during the cultural revolution “a parallel movement to save the health of the terrain by afforestation and conservation, carried out by the same means of mass mobilisation as the campaign for healthy humanity” (Robinson, 1980, last page).
 
23
On the significance of the rural-urban issue, see Nolan (1979) and Nolan and White (1984).
 
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Metadata
Title
The Third Phase: Self-criticism
Author
Pervez Tahir
Copyright Year
2019
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-28825-9_5