Cyclones occur almost annually in Bangladesh, causing significant harm to people living on the coast. It is argued that less attention has been paid to older persons in the development and migration-related literature. In response, this study explores how cyclone impacts influence the decision-making capabilities of older persons with respect to mobility as an adaptation strategy. The study area is in Gabura (a coastal union) as a place of origin, but migrant participants for interviews were also selected from the coastal municipality of Shyamnagar and the district city of Satkhira, as well as the mega-capital city of Dhaka. The data was collected through qualitative research, including in-depth interviews and focus group discussions. The study results show that older adults face challenges during cyclones, which can lead to migration. Older persons face various economic, social, and cultural issues, including the loss of property and assets, disruption of social networks, and loss of cultural practices due to climate change-generated hazards. The results suggest that mobility to nearby towns or big cities is a common response of older persons to climate change. It is also found that such mobility decisions of older persons improved their resilience to cyclones. Overall, this study advances the knowledge concerning mobility among the elderly in the face of tropical cyclones and other coastal environmental stressors. The findings can be useful in developing policies and programmes that include older persons and address their specific needs and vulnerabilities in the context of climate change.
1 Introduction
South Asia is affected by tropical cyclones that form over nearby waters, particularly the Bay of Bengal.1 Cyclones have long been an issue for the people of Bangladesh because they immediately impact individuals who live along the coast and indirectly harm the entire country’s economy, agriculture, and standard of living.2 Cyclones are most frequently observed around the beginning of the summer and at the end of the rainy season and affect Bangladesh’s coastal districts almost annually. At least 15 significant cyclones, in the Bay of Bengal (including West Bengal in India), have struck Bangladesh’s coastal regions in the past 50 years, killing 1.54 million people.3 The 1970 Bhola cyclone alone was the deadliest tropical cyclone ever recorded, claiming between 300,000 and 500,000 lives.4 In addition to causing significant casualties, these disasters profoundly impact countless other people, destroying their possessions and impairing their livelihoods. Apart from the direct impact, cyclones and other environmental stressors have some far-reaching repercussions, including increase of violence against women and socially marginalised groups, escalating social conflict over natural resources, price hikes, psychological stresses, etc.5
It should be noted that the disproportionate impact of disasters on older individuals is not unique to Bangladesh. Even in wealthy nations,6 older persons are particularly vulnerable to problems including increased disease risk,7 higher susceptibility to harsh weather (both hot and cold), and increased numbers of individuals who are either moved or staying behind.8 In Bangladesh, ‘staying behind’ refers to situations when elderly people voluntarily stay or/and are left behind as younger adults migrate to different locations for to secure their livelihood.9 Rural areas often have an above-average senior population (60+ age) due to the seasonal and permanent out-migration of working-age persons.10
Advertisement
In addition, deaths from disasters are disproportionately more likely to affect older persons.11 Threats from environmental stressors frequently damage the capacity of older persons to adapt and cope later in life.12 The interplay of several characteristics related to exposure, vulnerability, and coping abilities makes older persons more susceptible to these environmental stressors.13 In some cases, their ability to deal with challenges associated with climate change is hampered by social helplessness, limited access to resources, and precarious health circumstances.
In Bangladesh, socio-economically marginalised women, children, and people with disabilities are among the various groups whose members often experience vulnerability to climate change. NGOs, funders, and the government routinely provide specialised care and support to people in these groups.14 However, existing studies indicate that older individuals are frequently forgotten in climate change adaptation plans.15 Climate change adaptation programmes rarely consider older people’s needs.16 According to estimates, Bangladesh has 9.28% of its population consisting of senior citizens (60+) in 2022, which will account for 22% of the total population by 2050.17 So, to deal with the senior population and the changes they will inevitably bring about to the system, we must adjust the current situation and re-focus on managing our systems and resources.18
A growing body of research addresses the nexus between19 human mobility and climate change adaptation, but globally, little attention has been paid to the mobility of older persons. More broadly, Bastia has argued that migration and development research have overlooked older adults.20 Considering this, the chapter describes the cyclone-induced impact and mobility nexus in relation to older persons in Bangladesh. The chapter is divided into several sections. After the introduction, Sect. 2 provides a critical review of the literature related to the vulnerability of older persons’ to climate change and their mobility in this context. Section 3 describes the relevant legal and policy framework in Bangladesh. Then, Sect. 4 describes the study context and methods followed in conducting this research. The results and analysis of the first-hand accounts are examined and developed in Sect. 5. Finally, the last section concludes the chapter with a future direction.
2 Climate Change, Older People’s Vulnerability, and Mobility
The understanding of vulnerability is diverse across disciplines. Academics and practitioners in different fields of study, understandably, also use different definitions and meanings of vulnerability and concepts related to vulnerability to serve their own goals.Therefore, for the purposes of this study, vulnerability refers to the characteristics of an individual or group in terms of their capability to foresee, cope with, resist, and recover from the effects of natural hazards.21 Additionally, it is acknowledged that experiences of vulnerability differ from person to person and community to community, no matter how they may be explored from the outside. For instance, age plays an important role in determining an individual’s ability to withstand and recover from climate-induced damage.
Advertisement
According to the World Health Organization two billion individuals will be 60 or older by 205022 and 80% of them will live in developing countries.23 Climate change seriously threatens ageing populations, particularly in less developed and developing countries.24 These nations frequently have the lowest ability to adapt to changing weather patterns and rising temperatures, making them the most susceptible to the effects of climate change.25 The disaster vulnerability experience of older persons is distinct from young adults26 owing to their diminished mobility, physiological changes, and limited resource access, impairing their adaptation capacity.27 Older persons who live on the coast are more likely to be vulnerable to cyclones because of their age-related low mobility, lack of information, and their financial dependence on their children.28
The vulnerability of older persons is relative and depends on their socio-economic capacity in some cases. Compared to older individuals who were not impoverished, persons who are poor and older tend to be more vulnerable to climate change.29 For instance, displacement is one of the consequences of climate change, and a socio-economically marginalised older person is more susceptible to uprooting and relocation than an older person who is economically solvent and lives with young family members and neighbours. Destitute older persons are more likely to suffer from the long-term effects of displacement, such as ill health and social isolation.30 Older persons are more inclined to move if they have prior storm experience, a higher level of education, and access to transportation.31 It is argued that older persons with lower incomes and educational levels are more susceptible to the effects of extreme weather events and are more likely to migrate as a form of adaptation.32
Several variables, including economic, societal, and environmental ones, can compel older individuals to migrate. Internal and international climate change-related migration can occur permanently or temporarily, due to environmental stressors.33 It is estimated that climate change may increase displacement, and people who are poor with fewer resources may migrate more in response to extreme weather events, particularly in low-income developing countries.34 In addition to that, in response to climate change, migration may also be an effective adaptation strategy.35 Human mobility in climate change is also considered a crucial development concern under Sustainable Development Goals. Goals 10.7 and 13 encourage nations to enable orderly, safe, regular, and responsible migration and mobility of people and require rapid action to combat climate change and its repercussions by increasing mitigation, adaptation, and disaster risk reduction strategies.36 Global environmental change puts significant pressure on the decision-making regarding human mobility.37 Human mobility is crucial in maintaining livelihoods, managing risk, responding to social and environmental change, and supporting hopes and goals.38
Environmental deterioration and social and economic constraints brought on by climate change may drive elderly people to migrate against their will.39 Statistics show that older persons are often disproportionately represented among people displaced during a hurricane in the USA. Fussell et al. argue that older persons in the USA are more likely to move due to climate change effects like rising temperatures and sea levels.40 In Bangladesh too, older persons were more likely to move due to the impacts of climate change, such as cyclones, flooding, and drought.41 In fact older persons were found to be predisposed to relocate to city areas following cyclones, since they had insurmountable economic hardships in their place of origin in countries like Bangladesh and Fiji.42
Climate change adaptation refers to certain strategies of responding and adjusting to the consequences of climate change in order to lessen its adverse effects on natural and societal systems.43 Such strategies are categorised as transformative, anticipatory, and reactive adaptation strategies.44 Adjusting natural or human systems in response to present or anticipated climatic pressures moderates harm or exploits advantageous chances.45 Various actions, such as modifications to infrastructure, land-use techniques, social behaviour, and human mobility, can be seen as adaptation.46
McMichael et al. argue for a climate change adaptation plan that considers particular requirements of senior citizens.47 Improved healthcare access, social support, community resilience, and greater climate change awareness are some solutions that studies have found to be useful in minimising the susceptibility of ageing populations to climate change.48 For instance, over the last 25 years, the WHO has developed and scaled up its programme on climate change and health to support and guide implementation of protective measures to reduce the vulnerability of older persons.49 Strategies for adaptation are crucial to minimising the effects of climate change on the elderly.
However, these adaptation strategies need to be socially responsive as ageing people rely on their social networks to help them cope with the effects of climate change. People (e.g. neighbours, relatives, volunteers) connected via social networks can offer practical and emotional support amid severe weather.50 Older persons may benefit from community-based adaptation techniques such as early warning systems, communal gardens, and social networks. By taking these steps, older persons can reduce their exposure to climate change vulnerability, preserve their independence, and maintain social connections.51 They may be less likely to engage in actions associated with adaptation to climate change due to things like financial constraints, a lack of understanding, and limited access to information.52 It is advised to develop outreach and education initiatives that help them deal with climate change.53 One strategy to attain these aims is by implementing age-friendly policies that consider their unique needs while preparing for climate change adaptation.54 Such measures include creating inexpensive housing, accessible transportation systems, social support networks, and encouraging physical activity.55 In this context, the following section evaluates whether the legal and policy framework of climate change in Bangladesh accommodates the concerns of older persons.
3 Legal and Policy Framework on Climate Change, Human Mobility, and Older Persons
Several national frameworks and policy guidelines are available to address Bangladesh’s climate change and disaster risk management. These documents include the Standing Orders on Disaster (SOD), the Disaster Management Act 2012 (DMA), the National Adaptation Plan (2023), the National Strategy on the Management of Disaster and Climate-Induced Internal Displacement (NSMDCIID), and so forth. This section critically reviews how these documents incorporate the vulnerability of older persons and their adaptation and mobility in the face of climate change.
The Standing Orders on Disaster (SOD), introduced in 1997 (later modified in 1999, 2010, and 2019), was Bangladesh’s initial Disaster Risk Management (DRM) regulatory framework. The SOD ensures that all stakeholders are included and emphasises the involvement of the elderly and people with disabilities at all stages of disaster risk management in the spirit of ‘Leaving No One Behind.’ It guides rescue teams in transporting older persons and people with disabilities to a safe shelter following instructions. The evacuation plan stated in SOD provides priority to humanitarian assistance, addresses the issues of separate accommodation provisions in shelters for elderly people, as well as separate toilets for older persons and persons with disabilities, develops and implements disaster risk reduction and emergency response plans by following social inclusion principles and ensuring the participation of the elderly.56
The Government of Bangladesh has passed the Disaster Management Act (Act No. 34 of 2012) which describes the legal obligations of the various disaster risk reduction bodies and ministries. The Disaster Management Act 2012 includes various communities, which may open an opportunity to prepare any disaster risk reduction guideline, particularly for older persons. Bangladesh implemented the Sendai Framework as part of its ongoing DRM commitment, and as part of this, the National Disaster Management Policy of 2015 has been introduced, aiming to offer a national understanding of disaster risk governance.57
Similarly, another recently approved and published document is the National Adaptation Plan (NAP) 2023. Ensuring socially inclusive adaptation, including for the elderly and people with disabilities, is an essential guiding principle of the NAP. The formulation process ensured an inclusive approach and fortified engagement with and the participation of older persons, persons with disabilities, minority ethnic communities, and other marginalised groups in every stage, especially during the rigorous consultative process to identify adaptation needs and prioritise adaptation options for reducing the disproportionate impacts of climate change.58
The National Strategy on the Management of Disaster and Climate-Induced Internal Displacement (NSMDCIID) directs authorities to recognise that people in situations of vulnerability, such as older persons have special needs that must be given due attention. It ensures that the specific needs of particular groups of CIIDPs, such as older persons, can be adequately addressed and that their rights are appropriately protected. It also ensures measures for preventing and responding to the protection risks older persons face.59
To sum up, it is evident from Bangladesh’s climate change and disaster-related legal and policy documents that special attention is given to socio-economically marginalised people, including older persons. Therefore, there exists a legal obligation and policy priority to focus on older persons, including persons with disabilities and women. The following section explores the study context and methods, the findings and discussion, addressing the question of how this legal and policy framework is reflected in practice.
4 Study Context and Methods
Bangladesh’s coastal part is the most prone to climate-induced disaster. The region is constantly affected by cyclones, tidal waves, and floods, making the people living there vulnerable and exposed to hazards. The Gabura Union, the lowest administrative unit of Shymanagar sub-district, Satkhira District (Fig. 1), is a southwest coastal island cut off from the mainland by rivers. Over 15,000 people live in the union, which comprises 12 settlement villages, with most of them working in agriculture and fishing.60 The susceptibility of the Gabura Union to climate change and severe weather events like cyclones, salinity intrusion, and storm surges has drawn attention in recent years. Cyclones Aila (2009), Amphan (2020), and Yash (2021) are the three significant cyclones that have visited this area over the last 15 years. The local population, many of whom depend on agriculture and fishing for a living, has suffered greatly because of these hazards, causing severe damage to the area’s infrastructure, including roads, homes, and schools.61
Fig. 1
Gabura Union, the study context.
Source Authors
×
4.1 Data Collection and Methods
This research employed a qualitative approach for data collection, including semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions (FGDs). The sampling method used for the study is the purposive sampling method. This method is adopted as the target population needed to be selected from a specific trait or experience related to the research. Table 1 shows the participant category for interviews. Both old and young adult participants including male and female groups were interviewed. The group included people who had migrated, as well as those who had not migrated, both of who were interviewed. Since the focus of the study was mainly Cyclone Aila and the associated mobility concerns of older persons, the participants included, some elderly in the 80+ age bracket, and some participants who are 75+ (they were 60+ at the time). The FGDs were conducted in two different villages with males and females, separately.
Table 1
Participants for interviews
Participant categories
Age
Male
Female
Total
Migrant older persons who are currently living in Shyamnagar municipality town, Satkhira district city, and Dhaka Mega-city
60+
4
1
5
Older persons who are currently living in Gabura Union
60+
3
2
5
Non-migrated young adults
30+
3
2
5
Total no. of participants
15
The interviews were conducted in different villages in the Gabura Union, including Lokkhikhali, Chokbara, Chandimukha, and Kholishabunia. The people who had migrated were also interviewed at Dhaka, Satkhira, and Shyamnagar. Several young adults were selected from the Gabura Union. Participants were contacted before an interview, and some local gatekeepers (local people) helped us reach the participants. This made it easier to find them, and the interviews were conducted faster. Before taking the interviews and conducting the FGDs, consent was taken from each participant. A guide including a set of keywords based on the theme was prepared for conducting successful interviews and FGDs. The questions were open-ended, so the participants could answer them and share their experiences elaborately. Interviews were a mix of informal and formal questions depending on the situation and context. Ten interviews were taken from the Gabura Union as a place of origin, and the other five interviews were conducted with the migrant participants (who had migrated from Gabura) outside the Gabura Union as a place of destination. The interviews were recorded with the consent of the participants so that the data could be evaluated later. A notepad was usually used to take notes and write follow-up ideas while interviewing participants. Interviewees are identified with pseudonyms throughout this chapter.
Two focus group discussions of both males and females consisting of eight members in each group were conducted in Kholpetua and Napitkhali villages in the Gabura union. The focus group discussions were also recorded with the consent of the participants, and their answers were noted. Information was collected from both gender groups, and an attempt was to made to understand the differences in the difficulties faced during the cyclones. It did seem that the problems faced by women may not be considered a point of concern for men and vice-versa. The difference in the point of view based on gender was duly noted. Their opinions, difficulties, experiences, impact, and adaptation strategies differed. All research documentations were digitally preserved for future reference with access only to the researcher so as to protect the identities of the people involved.
4.2 Data Coding and Analysis
The coding and analysis of empirical data involved several stages. Audio-recorded interviews were transcribed, edited, and checked to ensure they were clearer in language, sentence structure, and so on for the understanding of readers. Qualitative data was then coded in a deductive way and analysed through the NVivo software and thematic descriptive analysis. Nodes such as socio-demographic, experience to cyclone, mobility, and adaptation were set up.
After creating the first coding structure, the first step was to read the transcriptions to highlight and categorise every passage related to one of several categories (such as socio-demographic, experience, mobility, and adaptation). The text was tagged in both categories when connected to more than one category (or node). Each text related to the main themes was given a new code but was not fitted into the pre-determined categories. This helped reduce the neglect of important categories by using a deductive technique to find and build categories based on the study’s key concepts (e.g. cyclone experience, mobility, adaptation). Being adaptable and allowing for additional coding categories as they appeared was an essential and required feature that was embraced as the coding process went through to avoid a strict adherence to the code structure.
5 Results and Analysis
This result and analysis section illustrates the in-depth perceptions of all the informants’ with respect to the experience of older persons before, during, and after cyclones, their mobility, and whether the mobility is voluntary or involuntary. Discussing the core elements of mobility of older persons, the factors behind their voluntary or involuntary mobility are also deliberated. The conversation also includes the experiences of the interviewees with respect to the Aila (2009), the Amphan (2020), and other cyclonic situations. Among the cyclones, the Aila was the most devastating and severely impacted the lives of people in Gabura. The older persons stated how cyclones affected their life and influenced their decision-making regarding mobility as an adaptation strategy, the benefits after migration, and the changes in their livelihood.
5.1 Older Persons and Cyclone-Related Mobility
Climate-related mobility can take many forms, such as intentional relocation and movement away from climate-risk areas, displacement following disasters, and temporary labour migration to diversify livelihoods.62 Older persons who choose to relocate are usually confronted with various economic, social, and cultural issues, including the loss of property and assets, eviction from traditional lands and resources, disruption of social networks, and loss of cultural practices.63
Participants reported about the mobility pattern of ageing people and that some older persons migrated for a short period, such as for a cyclone period or a few months to a year after the cyclone. On the other hand, some people migrate permanently from Gabura to get a better livelihood and facilities and mainly to escape the devastation that Cyclone Aila brought. The other cyclones, for instance, Cyclones Bulbul (2019) and Amphan (2020) were less impactful for the people in Gabura. They did not suffer much loss from these recent cyclones because of several issues (e.g. not so intense landfall, fastest early warning dissemination, quick evacuation to shelter centres, and increased number of shelter centres) which indicates an improvement in the early warning system and increase in the number of shelters and facilities as a result of the increased attention to disaster risk management. These cyclones seem to have impacted their lives a lot lesser than the impact of Cyclone Aila wherein the participants faced a long-term impact. Various factors that emerge from the FGD and interviews of the participants are argued upon to decide whether people would or would not migrate. These factors include water crisis, changes in income and livelihood and access to health and communication, and remoteness of physical location. The following section describes people’s experiences with cyclones, the early warning system, and the evacuation process.
5.1.1 Early Warning and Evacuation Experience of Older Persons During Cyclones
Cyclones like the Aila (2009) caused widespread destruction and devastated the regular life of the elderly in the Gabura Union of Bangladesh. The informants we spoke to reported of how they saw the fierceness of the cyclone in front of their very eyes. They had no inkling regarding the impending cyclone, and everything was very calm in the beginning. In a flash, water began entering from all sides, flooding every place. Findings from the FGDs and interviews also suggested that it was so unexpected, that they were unable to think of what to do. An elderly participant stated the condition:
It was sudden. We were eating. We just left our rice and curry in the pan. We left it all there and just ran out of here. They [the volunteers] announced and instructed us to come out as soon as possible. We could not wrap anything up as we didn’t have time. The water was coming from everywhere, destroying everything on its way. Such a helpless situation.
Similarly, the first-hand account also suggested that while they were uninformed, some were reluctant to acknowledge the cyclone. When asked about the early warning, the participants said that they did not get any early warning during the Cyclone Aila. An older adult participant stated regarding the Aila:
People lost their lives due to flooding during Aila. Everyone said nothing serious would happen, and gradually it would stop, like before. So, they weren’t conscious.
Although the recent cyclones (e.g. Bulbul, Amphan) had a weaker landfall than the Aila, participants reported that they got a well-dessiminated early warning. Also the older persons got the early warning with the help of volunteers, relatives, and neighbours. Moreover, participants reported that due to the recent development of mobile networks and the affordability of mobile phones, older adults were kept informed by their relatives and other family members from the urban areas about the recent cyclone landfall. However, participants reported that where the cyclone was devastating, people were required to move to a safer place once a warning was issued, and this is still a challenge for older persons as they are required to quickly move to shelters, and it is such challenges that influence an older person’s decision-making in migrating to an urban area.
The older participants stated that there were many people in the cyclone shelter during the recent cyclones (e.g. Cyclone Bulbul, Cyclone Amphan), and it was difficult to maintain provisions, particularly for older people, due to inadequate resources. For example, the cyclone shelter (built before 2000) and the school which act as a cyclone shelter have no separate toilet for males and females. Hence, there was no separate toilet for male and female older persons as required by the Standing Order on Disaster (SOD). Moreover, all age groups of people who went to the cyclone shelter stayed together. This was largely because of scarcity of separate spaces for different age groups. The lack of separate accommodation provisions in shelters for older people was also against the provisions of the SOD, which emphasised that disaster risk reduction and emergency response plans must be based on social inclusion principles by ensuring the participation of older persons.
During the recent cyclones such as the Bulbul and the Amphan, the older persons moved to different places to get a safe place as part of the evacuation. However, the participants reported that the older persons were late in moving from the place as they needed assistance. They were mostly helped by their near and dear ones, such as their children, relatives, neighbours, and volunteers. The interview participants stated that they were moved by boat or other means. The oldest were carried on shoulders or on the lap. A young adult participant said that “they (older persons) were taken on lap, shoulder. Those who had vans, they took older people on vans who could not walk. Also, they were taken on swings.” Therefore, it is evident that some older persons are facing evacuation difficulties, making them vulnerable in the face of cyclones. Along with the evacuation challenges, older persons also faced with the problem of saving their assets, protecting their health and dealing with cultural shock. The scenario also points to the inability of the government to play an active role in prioritising the relocation of older persons in disasters as mandated by the SOD which insists on priority to be given for transporting older persons to safe shelters. The next section illustrates the findings with respect to the property loss health issues and cultural experiences of older persons during a cyclone.
5.1.2 Loss of Assets, Health Concerns, and Cultural Experience of Older Persons with Respect to Cyclones
The empirical study done suggests that older persons lost most of their assets to the cyclone, including houses, trees, cultivable land, and a significant portion of their belongings. They could not take anything or could only take a handful of things with them. During Cyclone Aila, it was reported that the water level rose to the roof of some of their houses, and some of the houses even got demolished by the force of the water. They tried to take their essential documents and some valuable items. However, they were unable to save the rest. When inquired about this, an older adult stated that:
The house got damaged. The goats I had got lost in the flood. The chickens and ducks got lost as well. The house is still damaged, and we could not fully fix it. There were dead bodies of livestock everywhere that day.
Consequently, older people faced damage to their food and trees which used to grow in that area. After Cyclone Aila, the soil became salty due to all the salt water on the land, which took around three years to dissipate, rendering the soil unfit to grow any fruits or vegetables. The older persons also lost their cattle, hens, and ducks along with vegetables and trees. An older interviewee stated about their grief:
Nothing could be saved. How can trees be saved in the salty water? There were 7-8 mango trees that used to give fruits. They got destroyed.
In the same vein, Cyclone Aila left them financially vulnerable. Some people had nothing left, as everything was swept away with the water. The water level rose so much that in some places, it was hard to even feel the ground due to the depth of the water. They lost their furniture, clothes, utensils, and other household materials. Although some claimed it was inadequate, they did get immediate help from the government and received food, shelter, medicines, drinking water, and cash from the government and non-government organisations. Even after so many years, they continue to receive reliefs, for instance, sanitary items, water tanks to preserve rainwater. The next section illustrates the difficulties they faced related to drinking and cooking water and the loss of land property.
5.1.3 Water Crisis and Loss of Agricultural Land
The area is susceptible to cyclones, tidal surges, and other natural hazards, and the empirical accounts reported that the region’s few freshwater resources were repeatedly and often contaminated by cyclone events, turning them unhealthy for human consumption or use. Additionally, the embankment was broken due to the cyclone (Aila), which left the area waterlogged for a long time, and it took 4–5 years to fix the embankment. So people have had to face salinity issues even 3–5 years after the Cyclone Aila which damaged agriculture land and sweet water sources for a long time. Moreover, saltwater intrusion salinised both the surface and underground water, turning agricultural land into fallow land for a long time. A young participant opined that:
Our agricultural land was inundated for a long time, and it took nearly three years to water free. Even the biggest issue was drinking water. It was very scarce at that time.
The above statement suggests that the water had become salty and undrinkable and water scarcity was very prominent in the region. Participants from both FGDs and interviews stated that they did not have any reliable source of drinking water. The ponds from which they used to collect drinking water were also affected by the salty water when the area got flooded, and they were forced to rely on water from external sources for the first 2–3 years after Cyclone Aila. These limited drinking water resources were not easily accessible, and drinking water had to be collected from distant places. Therefore, it was quite difficult for older persons to get drinking water. They often sought help from their relatives and neighbours. The government and different NGOs also provided them with drinking water. While the government is taking steps and trying to solve this water crisis by providing rainwater harvesting tanks and building pond sand filtering (PSF) mechanisms and desalination plants, it is a fact that they continue to face a drinking water crisis. Participants reported that there is no option to consider age-specific requirements to install the PSF and desalination plants. The location for establishing the PSF and desalination plants (either by NGOs or the government) depends on available space and optimum distance from villages because many people rely on one PSF or desalination plant. However, there remains an option to consider the needs of older persons in establishing or providing a rainwater harvesting mechanism.
5.1.4 Remoteness and Difficulties in Access to Health Services and Transport
It is found that many older persons have age-related problems or chronic illnesses. The findings suggest that during the Cyclones Aila and Amphan, the mental and physical health of older persons deteriorated due to the stress and pressure. Findings from the FGDs and interviews suggest that older persons had suffered physical injuries due to strong winds, tidal bores, and structural damage from cyclones. Falls, bruises, cuts, fractures, and head injuries are all too prevalent for the oldest persons in the 80+ bracket. Moreover, some older persons had a mental breakdown seeing the destruction caused by the cyclones. Participants also reported that they were affected by waterborne diseases. Some of them continuously and repetitively suffered from diarrhoea, cholera, fevers, and stomach aches.
Another factor is the difficulties in access to health, transport, and the issue of remoteness. The participants stated that the cyclones caused a colossal loss of community resources, including schools, hospitals, and road networks and other infrastructure. Older persons thus needed to go a long way for any treatment. The nearest hospital is situated in Shyamnagar town (sub-district town), and rivers on all four sides surround the area. There is no connecting road with the outer regions of Gabura. Participants also stated that a trip to the nearest sub-district hospital would take two hours, using three different modes of transport (e.g. boat, bike/easy bike, and bus). One of the older participants interviewed reported about the roads saying:
There are small and narrow roads. We face difficulties during movement. There were few bricks made road only. Only motorcycles are used here. Nevertheless, it is worst in the rainy season. It becomes muddy. These roads are not older people friendly.
When asked about the facilities for primary treatment for older persons, participants argued that only community clinics were the nearest available medical facilities, which only provide basic health facilities and are only open during the daytime. Unprescribed medicines from medicine shops are the alternate way to tackle diseases such as fever, cold, and amashoe (a waterborne disease). The next section discusses the changes in income and livelihoods of older persons in Gabura due to the cyclone, which has also played a critical role in their mobility.
5.1.5 Changes in Income and Livelihoods Due to Cyclones
Participants explained that older persons (in the age bracket of 60–70 years) also decide to migrate when they and the young adult family members lose their income and have to change their livelihoods. The findings suggested that agriculture and fishing are the two sectors of Gabura’s economy most affected by climate change. Reduced fish stocks, saltwater intrusion, and reduced access to natural resources have all contributed to falling earnings. The first-hand account suggested that the amount of damage was immense during the cyclones, leading to economic losses. Even older adult participants argued that active older adults (60–70 years) lost their income. This vast economic loss also led to poverty. An older interviewee said:
The most damage was dealt by Aila in 2009. We had organised household and fishery; everything was destroyed during Aila. Everything was very calm and peaceful till 9 am. Everything was well organised in our house, pond, fishery, paddy in the field, and crops in our yard. At 9.30 am, everything got flooded in about 2 hours. Aila went over my croplands. After Aila, the salt water has ruined the ground’s fertility, and nothing grows there anymore.
After the devastating damage, the young adult earning members have therefore been forced to relocate to urban regions in search of alternate means of subsistence. Along with the livelihood loss, restriction in access to natural resources (e.g. restriction to the mangrove forest for fishing, wood collection, honey harvesting, leaf collection) and economic disparity to get social safety net programme have led to food insecurity. Therefore, as older persons depend on young adults in many cases (e.g. earning, care, daily meal preparation), they decide to migrate with other family members. Moreover, the participants stated that they moved from their place of origin in order to find better working opportunities. They are trying to permanently migrate from the place by selling their properties. Some sold their lands cheaply to relatives and neighbours who did not want to leave Gabura. On the other hand, some could not sell their land, so they moved to other regions, leaving their water-trapped lands behind. Moreover, participants reported that elite people and political leaders from outside Gabura also bought such land at low prices for shrimp farming.
Finally, the empirics suggest that several factors have made life difficult for older persons in Gabura, especially after the Cyclone Aila (2009). Cyclone Aila initiated several difficulties which are discussed above, and later, other cyclones and economic and political factors multiplied the challenges, which increased the problems for older people, making it harder for them to remain in this Gabura Union. It is also important to mention that cyclones are often associated with the sudden onset of displacement, but recurrent cyclones can result in long-term impacts affecting mobility. Mobility plays a critical role in response to cyclones and other disasters and as an adaptation strategy for some older persons. The next section illustrates how mobility can be an adaptation strategy for the elderly population in the face of climate change impacts.
5.2 Mobility as an Adaptation Strategy
Mobility is multi-faceted and an element of adaptation to climate change. The result of the empirical study suggests that tropical cyclones, tidal surges, salinity intrusion, and land degradation are some of the examples of climate-related disasters predicted to cause displacement. According to the participants, the Gabura community have suffered a lot due to these catastrophes, and some of them continue to fight against cyclones. In contrast, others have migrated to other places to reduce their distress, and older migrant participants revealed the fact that they migrated from Gabura to save their lives and now feel relieved after migration. After migrating to Shyamnagar, an older adult had the following to say about the relocated place, “A lot better place we are living in! This environment is a lot better than Gabura. This area is less vulnerable than Gabura. The damages caused by cyclones are comparatively lesser.”
The participants also reported that as a consequence of migrating to another place, ageing people were getting better healthcare facilities along with quicker access to doctors and hospital facilities. As such older adults do not need to worry about their treatments as the transportation costs to visit a doctor had been reduced, and they did not need to wait long or travel to Shyamnagar and Satkhira towns in order to receive treatment. In the same vein, the informants also reported that income opportunities in Gabura had greatly reduced. This had become a survival issue, and active older adults (60–70 years) could not survive on such a poor income. After migration, however they were able to secure employment, and their income increased, which ultimately contributed to their family’s well-being. An older participant stated about better working opportunities after migration saying, “I get to work every day there. They do pay every day.” The findings reveal the role of mobility in climate change adaptation and its impact on vulnerable communities such as the Gabura community who are deeply affected by climate-related disasters that can lead to displacement. It does appear that after migrating to a new place, older persons have been able to secure better access to healthcare and employment that pays them on a regular basis. This has, in turn, helped them get financially solvent and adapt to the cyclone. The mobility dynamics of older persons are twofold. In the place of origin, older persons faced difficulties with disaster impact, which were also triggered by socio-political and economic factors influencing their decision to stay there. On the other hand, the lure of several urban facilities indirectly pulls them to migrate from rural areas. The following section discusses the interplay between climate change impact, human mobility, and the adaptation strategy.
5.3 Discussion
This research provides an in-depth understanding of the impact that cyclones have on the lives of older persons and its bearing on their decisions to migrate. It also reveals their vulnerability which in turn influences their decision to migrate to another place as an adaptation strategy. The research placed older persons at the centre of the study, thereby allowing us to fill research gaps caused due to the exclusion of such age groups from the migration and development literature. The empirical evidence gathered from the study provides critical points to the climate change adaptation and migration literature.
The study reveals that older persons are vulnerable to cyclones due to their age and physical constraints.64 Older adults are usually not self-sufficient and need the help of the people around them.65 The findings suggest that the experiences of older persons in Gabura before, during, and after cyclones are far more deplorable when compared to other age groups. It was elderly individuals in Gabura who lost their homes, arable land, trees, and many possessions during the cyclones.66 These older persons could not recoup because of the substantial loss of assets and significant economic losses that plunged some into abject poverty. Although the recent cyclones (e.g. Bulbul and Amphan) have had a less severe impact in the area, due to their weaker landfall, the people still suffered a lot due to the severe destruction caused by Cyclone Aila (2009). These unexpected cyclones have made life very unpredictable and therefore at risk, and though older persons are familiar with these environmental challenges, it has taken them longer to return to normalcy post the shock and stress of cyclones.
Similarly, the study also shows that even though older persons are attached to their roots and their motherland, they have had to migrate despite not really wanting to make the move.67 Due to the slow-onset of changes like desertification, sea level rise, and extreme weather occurrences like cyclones, floods, droughts, and storms, it has been difficult for older people to support themselves and their families in their place of origin.68 Many older adults have been forced to relocate to urban areas due to poverty and environmental problems such as riverbank erosion, cyclones, and floods.69 However, in addition to pre-existing migratory pathways and economic, political, historical, demographic, social, and environmental elements that interact with climate threats and migration decisions are also influenced by pre-existing movement patterns.70 One of the main strategies employed by households to decrease the consequences of cyclones was moving to cities where cyclones impacted very little or not at all. Some of them moved to places where there were alternative working opportunities and strong social networks. In fact this mobility has become their adaptation strategy to save themselves from different cyclones.
Migration is thus an adaptation strategy for young adults from socio-economically marginalised strata.71 Displacement is anticipated from extreme weather, tropical cyclones, rising sea levels, and land degradation.72 The findings of this research echoe the same understanding even for older persons in climate-vulnerable households, challenging narratives that older people tend to stay behind. The results suggest that the elderly are using mobility as an adaptive technique to protect themselves from the impact of cyclones. The findings reveal that while older persons have struggled with disasters, many moved to secure urban places to lessen their worries and distress.
6 Conclusion
The study explored how climate change-induced vulnerability influences people's decisions regarding their choice to stay or migrate outside of their area. The main focus was on the vulnerability of older persons during cyclones due to their age and mobility restrictions. The study revealed the various factors that influence the decision of older persons to migrate, such as lack of water, access to healthcare and communication facilities, remoteness, changes in income and livelihood, and stresses the significance of taking the observations and points of view of older persons into consideration when designing ways to adapt. The findings shed light on the mobility of the elderly in Gabura and illuminated their experiences before, during, and after cyclones. The mobility-related findings of the study highlighted the vulnerability of the elderly to cyclones because of their advanced age. The study emphasises how crucial it is to consider their viewpoints and experiences when creating adaptation strategies to deal with the effects of climate change on the elderly. Moreover, the research provides valuable insights into the complex decision-making processes of persons in response to cyclones. Overall, this study advances the knowledge about elderly mobility in the face of tropical cyclones and other coastal environmental stressors. The findings are useful in developing policies and programmes that include older persons and address their specific needs and vulnerabilities in the context of climate change. Moreover, the first-hand accounts may equip the authorities to bring about necessary changes in the Standing Order on Disaster (SOD), the Disaster Management Act (2012), National Adaptation Plan (2023), climate financing, and climate justice programme.
The study recommends that the future focus of the authorities should be on developing rules and policies as well as adaptation techniques that consider the perspectives and needs of older persons, in order to mitigate climate change impacts on them. For instance, the government is implementing a housing project for climate-related displaced people, and this will be an opportunity to include older persons, and therefore it may consider building age-sensitive housing under this scheme. Thus, further work on governance, institutions, and social networks could significantly improve the understanding of what needs to be done to enhance future adaptive capacities.
Open Access This chapter is licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits use, sharing, adaptation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license and indicate if changes were made.
The images or other third party material in this chapter are included in the chapter's Creative Commons license, unless indicated otherwise in a credit line to the material. If material is not included in the chapter's Creative Commons license and your intended use is not permitted by statutory regulation or exceeds the permitted use, you will need to obtain permission directly from the copyright holder.
