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2021 | OriginalPaper | Chapter

6. Two Confucius Institutes and a Cross-Border University as Sites of China’s Cultural Diplomacy in Malaysia: The Limitations of ‘Domestic Structures’

Author : Tomáš Petrů

Published in: Transnational Sites of China’s Cultural Diplomacy

Publisher: Springer Singapore

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Abstract

This chapter aims to analyze the role of two Confucius Institutes (CI) and an overseas campus of a top Chinese university in Malaysia as primary transnational sites of China’s cultural diplomacy (CCD) in this Southeast Asian nation. The text specifically looks at the motifs, developments, and activities of major Chinese educational institutions in Malaysia during the latter part of the premiership of Najib Razak, when the relationship between these countries reached its historic peak. The reason why it is important to inquire about the operations of the two CIs and a satellite campus in Malaysia is twofold: (a) these institutions are among the most visible and most focused projections of China’s cultural diplomacy in the country during the studied time frame; (b) the educational sector as a target of CCD in Malaysia has proven to be a fertile field for such activities. On the other hand, other sectors usually targeted by cultural diplomacy in other countries, such as film or traditional arts festivals, are less dominant and the prevalent focus of CCD is rather on ‘shared histories.’ This is due to specific domestic political, social, and ethno-religious structures—most particularly the existence of the large and economically strong Chinese community, which welcomes growing opportunities to do business with China but, at the same time, is increasingly patriotic and comprised of individuals who see themselves as multicultural citizens of Malaysia.

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Footnotes
1
The fieldwork, which focused on interviewing representatives of Chinese Malaysian associations and academics, was conducted together with Jakub Hrubý, author of another chapter in this volume.
 
2
According to Ramasamy (2017), Malaysia can be identified as such not only because of its features, as explained by Eduard Jordaan’s theoretical framework of the emerging middle power (2003), but also because it fulfills the appropriate foreign policy behavioral patterns.
 
3
From 2009 until May 2018, Malaysia was China’s number one trading partner in ASEAN but in 2018 it was surpassed by Vietnam (https://​www.​thejakartapost.​com/​seasia/​2018/​07/​27/​vietnam-overtakes-malaysia-becomes-chinas-biggest-trading-partner-in-asean-.​html).
 
4
However, the 14th General Election in Malaysia in May 2018 triggered a political ‘tsunami’ on the domestic political scene, which also brought about a different paradigm—a ‘reset’—in Malaysia-China relations, which will be explained below.
 
5
United Malays National Organization is now the main opposition party in Malaysia, but it was the country’s ruling party from 1955 (still under the British rule, which ended in 1957) until May 2018.
 
6
1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) is an insolvent Malaysian state-owned strategic development company. It has been under heavy scrutiny since 2015 for its highly suspicious financial transactions including embezzlement, fraud, and money laundering. Some of them have pointed to the former Prime Minister Najib, who is now facing prosecution on 42 charges in the historically biggest trial in Malaysian history.
 
7
‘The National Front’ in Malay.
 
8
‘The Coalition of Hope’ in Malay.
 
9
Each branch of the Confucius Institute around the globe has two directors—a Chinese one, sent by the organizing institution, the Hanban, and a local director, who is a citizen of the host country.
 
10
It might be noteworthy that Chen Zhong is now the Chinese Director of the Confucius Institute at the Palacký University in Olomouc, Czech republic, and that before his Malaysian posting, he had also served in Germany.
 
11
Interview with the Director of the KZIUM, May 20, 2016.
 
12
Interview with the Director of the KZIUM, May 20, 2016.
 
13
Namely representatives of the Malaysian Chinese Cultural Centre in Kuala Lumpur, a research center set up and funded by prominent Malaysian Chinese associations, professors of the University of Malaya (UM), some of whom were also researchers at the Institute of China Studies at UM, and several independent professionals.
 
14
As of 2017, Malaysia had 170 international schools with more than 71,000 students, not counting the domestic public and private universities and colleges with thousands of students from overseas (New Straits Times 2017).
 
15
Some Chinese sources overlook the existence of the Soochow University branch in Laos and celebrate XMUM as the very first overseas Chinese university campus, e.g., CCTV.
 
16
Bumiputera is an ethno-political category in Malaysia, which includes ethnic Malays and indigenous peoples of West and East Malaysia (Orang Asal), and was coined in 1970 to appease racial tensions and reduce poverty among the Malays and other Bumiputera through acts of affirmative action in the form of quotas in universities, public services, and state companies, cf. Petrů (2017).
 
17
For more information on the Dong Zong, see Dong Zong (2017).
 
18
In 2015, during a visit to KL Chinatown soon after a Malay ethno-nationalist demonstration against businesses was staged, Ambassador Huang was reported as saying that China would not sit idly by when there was ‘infringement on China’s national interests or violations of legal rights and interests of Chinese citizens and businesses.’ His remark sparked a controversy and some officials regarded it as ‘tantamount to interfering in Malaysia’s domestic affairs’ (Wee 2015).
 
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Metadata
Title
Two Confucius Institutes and a Cross-Border University as Sites of China’s Cultural Diplomacy in Malaysia: The Limitations of ‘Domestic Structures’
Author
Tomáš Petrů
Copyright Year
2021
Publisher
Springer Singapore
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5592-3_6