Introduction
Among new technologies in education, the Massive Open Online Course (MOOC) is one of the phenomena that received much attention. Especially in media, MOOCs are framed both as a threat as well as a complement to higher education (HE), since their online and free accessibility might make them more attractive to potential students (Farrow,
2017; Weller,
2014). However, as different forms of MOOCs appeared, from community-based courses to one-to-many delivered lecture series, and from publicly funded initiatives to commercial
freemium packages, more and more controversy developed around the meaning of the word ‘open’ as integrated in the acronym (Decuypere,
2018; Knox,
2016). In these discussions, ‘openness’ is repeatedly used as a spatial and temporal metaphor to discuss whether and how the proclaimed potential of MOOCs to alleviate barriers to education is enacted through their digital form. For example, one side of the debate links openness to the ambition to ‘open the doors’ towards educational institutions especially for those otherwise excluded from them (Weller,
2014). Digital devices are then positioned as flexible tools to counter the fixed structure of ‘brick-and-mortar’ and time-scheduled institutions and, by this means, to make education more accessible. From another side, openness is related to the capacity of digital devices to let knowledge ‘travel’ through geographically unlimited networks of individuals (Peters,
2014). Early initiators of MOOCs especially adhere to this interpretation, as they associate openness with the possibility to expand and accelerate exchange of knowledge over the Internet, while leaving room for local or personal adaptation of the subject matter (Cormier,
2008; Downes,
2007). Despite these explicit disagreements on the interpretation of openness, studies on MOOCs generally do not formulate clear conceptual or operational descriptions of what openness implies for their research (Weller, Jordan, Devries, & Rolfe,
2018). Without explicating these descriptions, it becomes impossible for HE practitioners and researchers to gain a sense of how the proclaimed open nature of MOOCs is and can be realized in practice.
This ability to compare the announced openness of MOOCs with their actual realization is relevant, as critics have already commented that the spatiotemporal metaphors are idealized notions and omit closures that appear in practice. For example, they emphasize that online communities function around a rationale of homogeneity, which means that they are mainly ‘open’ to those with related interests and values yet close off to those with different views (Funes & Mackness,
2018). Moreover, while MOOCs are openly accessible at different locations and moments in the day, they limit possibilities for contact with a teacher (Bayne, Knox, & Ross,
2015; Knox,
2013). These nuanced interpretations of openness invite to, instead of assuming complete openness, scrutinize
where and
when openness is enacted, as well as
where and
when boundaries are crossed (Edwards,
2015; Oliver,
2015). This requires an analysis of space and time of MOOCs, which is not a straightforward effort. That is, as MOOCs relate the learners’ settings with the contexts of teachers and involved institutions through a mediating interface, they build up complexes of multiple locations, distances, presences, moments and durations (Bayne, Gallagher, & Lamb,
2014; Crea & Sparnon,
2017; Knox,
2016). Hence, MOOCs should be understood as entanglements of multiple
sorts of spaces and
sorts of times. This view illuminates how the openness of MOOCs, as well as their closings, are differentially enacted through multiple interconnected configurations.
Adopting this alternative view on spaces, times and openness, this article aims to respond to the lacking conceptual and operational descriptions of openness in today’s research on MOOCs (Weller et al.,
2018). This alternative view diverts from the existing and highly debated conceptions of openness in several ways. First, different from other studies, this study does not aim to conceptualize, operationalize or assess openness through one or multiple separate dimensions. That is, it does not consider openness merely in terms of access nor does it divide the legal, technical or ideological aspects of openness (Ioannou,
2018; Stracke,
2018). Instead, this study intends to overcome compartmentalized notions and to comprehend how openness is enacted in multiple forms that interact. Second, the study does not assume that openness is realized through a removal of barriers (e.g., Baker,
2017). The study follows the understanding that openness arises out of practices that necessarily install boundaries in order to construct specific spaces and times.
Accordingly, this paper aims to review the relevance of this alternative view on openness for further research and practice with MOOCs through an analysis of spaces and times within a particular MOOC platform. The first part of this paper discusses central premises of the theoretical and methodological approach that grounds this view, social topology, an approach that is gaining increasing interest in educational research. Then, the paper draws on a topological conceptualization of openness, i.e. ‘the open’ as ‘the visible’, to sketch how openness can be understood in relation to what is made visible and invisible. Based on these ideas, it is argued that spaces and times, and thus openness, can best be understood by focusing on boundaries that distinguish between what is seen and what is not seen. Then, it is explicated how these arguments inform the methodology of this study on a selected MOOC platform. Specifically, the data collection and analysis focus on the distinction and relation between the visible appearance of the user interface and the ‘invisible’ infrastructures beyond this interface. Structured by this dual focus on ‘on-interface’ practices and ‘beyond-interface’ practices, the reported findings specifically describe how multiplexes (i.e. multiple interconnected forms) of spaces and times are produced through boundaries that make certain practices either visible or invisible, with a particular interest in how this establishes openness.
The figure of this study, the MOOC platform that is analyzed, is named ‘European Multiple MOOC Aggregator’ (EMMA). EMMA is administered by several European universities and financially supported as a pilot project by the Competitiveness and Innovation Framework Programme (CIP) of the European Commission (EC). In their publications, initiators of EMMA formulate four explicit accounts of openness to which the platform relates. That is, openness in EMMA is related to (1)
access to the course content (2) learning in
networks (3) learning across
European national boundaries and (4)
data, research and experimentation (Kerr & Eradze,
2016). The project initiators further explicate several platform features that should aid the realization of these accounts. First, they emphasize that the platform provides free-of-cost and creative commons licensed course material and stimulates learning in networks of peers (ibid). Furthermore, MOOCs are provided by various European teachers and universities, using a system that automatically translates course content into different European languages. Moreover, a personal learning environment (PLE) is developed to help learners integrate materials from these diverse MOOCs. Finally, multiple research methods are employed to monitor MOOC pedagogies and their impact (Kerr & Merciai,
2015).
The platform is studied through a methodology that is developed to closely align with the topological conceptualization of openness and its relation to visibility and boundaries. Understanding boundaries as shared spaces that mediate between localities invisible to one another (Star,
2010), the interface of EMMA is considered a central boundary. That is, producers as well as users situated in different localities conjointly produce spaces and times as visible
on the interface. Interested in its workings, the study aims to move and situate itself
on and
beyond this boundary (cf., Mezzadra & Neilson,
2012). Along these lines, a distinction between
on-interface practices (i.e., visible for website visitors) and
beyond-interface practices (i.e., visible in professional work on EMMA) guided the methodology of the study.
To examine on-interface practices of EMMA, data were collected through an active navigation of the platform. This means that the first author of this article, for about 4 weeks, visited the EMMA website and carefully examined the homepage, informational pages, the registration procedure and 6 MOOCs of different universities and from different countries. This was documented through video screen recordings and written reflections. Because funding and production work on EMMA was paused at the time of the navigation, all MOOCs on EMMA were presented in a ‘self-paced’ mode, i.e., archived and without continuing interactivity between learners and teachers. Hence, interactions between learners were only examined as documented, rather than ‘live’.
After the navigations, the same researcher conducted interviews with EMMA team members, all involved in the development and maintenance of the platform. These interviews served to examine ‘beyond interface’ practices and covered their daily work, sociotechnical infrastructures of EMMA and, depending on the role of the interviewee in EMMAs development, the educational philosophy and the collaboration with the EC. The interviews were recorded, transcribed, and complemented with notes. Valuing a dialogic stance towards ethics, agreement and understanding of the participants’ concerns was continuously sought. This means that, besides adopting a consent form to safeguard their informed and voluntary participation, we ascertained participants’ confidentiality and anonymity and prioritized multiple member checks.
Data resulting from the navigation and interviews were brought together and reconstructed to present multiple topologies in the figure of EMMA. The data were analyzed inductively and the four accounts on openness proclaimed by EMMAs initiators were considered relevant starting points to identify and conceptualize topologies as
network, access, European and
data topologies. The subsequent sections of the paper introduce descriptions on how these topologies are produced, for each topology starting with the operations of on-interface practices followed by explicating beyond-interface practices. To illustrate practices on the interface, screenshots of the website are presented.
1 In addition to these images, sketches on the forms of the topologies, i.e., the way they configure relations, are presented. In these sketches, a circle presents boundaries of spaces-times ‘around’ EMMA. The circle, as the only form that holds continuous distance between a center and the perimeter, helps to visualize how different actors can be connected to each other and through a center without presenting different intervals or distances between them. Through lines and other graphical shapes, as well as through accompanying legends, the specificity of the relational distributions within the topologies are further sketched and explained. Although they do not cover all practices, the combination of descriptions, sketches and legends approach a comprehensive explanation of specific spaces and times operating in the figure of EMMA.
Network topologies
By referring to networked learning (Kerr & Eradze,
2016), initiators of EMMA relate to the spatiotemporal conception that online networks in MOOCs connect geographically dispersed individuals (e.g., Downes,
2007). In the figure of EMMA, network topologies indeed appear to connect individuals, but they do not connect anything, anyone, anytime and anywhere. In what follows, it is described how these topologies are produced by on-interface practices that
attach learners and teachers as
fragments and through
spatiotemporal boundaries. Consequently, beyond-interface practices that establish
hybrid knowledge and common interests, as well as
workflows are illustrated as network topologies. Both kinds of practices show to operate around rationales of stabilizing constructions and co-presence. Therewith, they selectively tie together individuals and entities to establish specific configurations or forms of relations.
On-interface: attachments
Beyond-interface: on the same page(s)
Access topologies
Reflecting broader discussions on MOOCs, initiators of EMMA relate openness in terms of access to the ubiquitous, free-of-cost and creative commons licensed nature of its learning content (Kerr & Eradze,
2016). However, as access actually implies a means of entry, it should not only refer to what we have access
to but equally to what we have access
through. As described here first, access topologies in EMMA comprise on-interface practices that perform
entrance, and that subsequently enact a path similar to a
traditional school, yet equally a
digital school. Second, it is explicated how beyond-interface practices perform access topologies, establishing the platform as a
mutable space and as one that
centralizes learners. Together, these topologies select and order relations through boundaries. As the access topologies appear to act upon constructions and co-presence, it is shown how they intersect with network topologies.
On-interface: passing through the school infrastructure
Beyond-interface: hosts and backend access
European topologies
While EMMA explicitly aims to transgress European national borders through its online delivery and multilingual content, this position equally substantiates the existence of boundaries that mark European
territories, i.e., geographic regions claimed by legislative power of nation states or the EU (Burridge et al.,
2017). Hence, EMMAs narrative presents a complex interweaving of digital, linguistic and territorial spaces. First, on-interface practices of EMMA that produce European topologies are presented, as they draw
borders around and within Europe through various symbols
, they enact
home countries and a space-in-between through linguistic practices and finally show how learners
slip through particular borders. Subsequently, beyond-interface practices that enact a
conflated Europeanness and
linguistic bridges are laid out. Together, these European topologies interweave with digital, territorial and linguistic practices and as a result, produce boundaries that include and exclude territories and operate as shared spaces between different localities.
On-interface: territorial borders of the screen
Beyond-interface: competing, comparing, translating
Data topologies
Covered by terms as ‘research’ and ‘experimentation’, data practices repeatedly surface general debates about openness in education (Weller,
2014). Still, a coherent view on data and how they operate is obscured as they often move through invisible databases and software programs, only to reappear in a visualization (Williamson,
2018). As EMMA initiators equally explicitly refer to data practices (Kerr & Eradze,
2016), practices within the platform can present how data topologies are configured. As explained here first, on-interface practices produce topologies of
self-tracing learners and
individualizing spaces and as
folds or mirrors of themselves. In a following paragraph, it is described how beyond-interface practices shape
traceable learners and produce
a mold around these learners. Specific about the data topologies is that they seem to both bound and bind together the different network- access- and European topologies, so that they are realized as complexes of multiple spaces and times.
On-interface: you can see it, because you are in it
Beyond-interface: the mold around the fold
Conclusion
The aim of this study is to examine how an alternative view on openness, one based on the premises of social topology, could provide research and practice relevant starting points to understand and describe openness in MOOCs. Based on these premises, a MOOC platform can be examined as a figure composed of different relations and practices. These configurations of relations and practices establish topologies that, in turn, produce multiple overlapping spaces and times. Furthermore, these topologies operate as imaginaries, which are understood as collective and delimitate norms formed by and forming relations and practices. Boundaries play an important in producing these spaces-times or imaginaries. That is, boundaries make spaces and times by distinguishing what is visible within the particular set of practices, or the topology, and what remains invisible. Yet, these boundaries do not isolate spaces-times, they enable shared spaces between them. Taking together these premises, this means that this view enables to understand openness through the way that boundaries produce collective imaginaries within topologies and how they mediate practices between topologies, rather than through the absence of boundaries.
The premises of this view supported the description of openness in this study in several ways. While this study departed from four classifications of openness, the analysis and its findings particularly present how spaces and times do not operate separately but intersect and interact with each other. That is, within the EMMA platform, practices of network- access- European and data topologies build on each other and are bound together. Second, the findings show that openness is not about an abandonment of boundaries, yet that openness is enacted through particular workings of boundaries
. Although boundaries distinguish practices that are visible for learners on the front-end interface or visible on the back-end for those who work on the platform, they also work to mediate between, i.e., to open up, these practices. Moreover, as boundaries determine a visible ‘inside’ as well as what is ‘outside’, they produce imaginaries or shared perspectives on
where and
when a MOOC platform is open and
who and
what it opens up for. For example, practices in network and access topologies in EMMA produce boundaries that ‘open up’ multiple ways of moving, both through spaces-times in which teachers and learners come together as in a ‘traditional school’ (Alhadeff-Jones,
2017; Leaton Gray,
2017) as well as in fragmented and individual frames that are more typical for a digital school (e.g., Hassan,
2017). European practices in EMMA perform boundaries around and between European countries, yet they also create shared spaces that are open to different European regions and bring them closer together (see also Opitz & Tellmann,
2015). Finally, data practices produce spaces and times that open up as
folds that mirror, and
molds that shape, learners in the platform. Based on these descriptions, it can be said that openness is mainly enacted by interconnecting multiple forms of spaces and times. This is where the concept ‘multiplexes’ is introduced.
It is especially this idea of openness as multiplex, that could help as a relevant way of thinking about openness in HE research and practice. First, it serves as a move away from the idea of openness as boundlessness. It shows how HE is not ‘opened up’ just by introducing new actors and new connections (Ioannou,
2018), yet also foregoes a conclusion that openness is about a disruption of the higher education sector (Knox,
2016). Instead, it describes how boundaries actually can serve specific interconnections that produce a form of openness. Second, rather than fixing a definition or a guideline to improve practice, it inspires to imagine openness in multiple forms. The topologies described in this study therefore merely serve as conceptual tools (Martin & Secor,
2014), and give researchers and practitioners new reference points for how openness can be conceptualized, operationalized and therewith, scrutinized. This means that HE lecturers and other educational professionals can equally take up the analysis and the findings to consider how they can design their practices in such a way that boundaries produce multiple open learning spaces and times. Therewith, the analysis urges researchers and practitioners to examine what boundaries make visible as well as invisible and thus, what is included and mediated in the constructed imaginaries of openness in MOOCs.
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