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Published in: Studies in Comparative International Development 3/2021

09-07-2021

When Do Strong Parties “Throw the Bums Out”? Competition and Accountability in South African Candidate Nominations

Authors: Evan Lieberman, Philip Martin, Nina McMurry

Published in: Studies in Comparative International Development | Issue 3/2021

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Abstract

Existing accounts of centralized candidate selection argue that party elites tend to ignore constituent preferences in favor of internal party concerns, leading to accountability deficits. Yet this claim has been largely assumed rather than demonstrated. We provide the first detailed empirical analysis of the relationship between constituent opinion and candidate nominations in the absence of party primaries. We study contemporary South Africa, where conventional wisdom suggests that parties select candidates primarily on the basis of party loyalty. Analyzing more than 8000 local government councillor careers linked with public opinion data, we find that citizen approval predicts incumbent renomination and promotion in minimally competitive constituencies, and that this relationship becomes more pronounced with increasing levels of competition. By contrast, improvements in service provision do not predict career advancement. Under threat of electoral losses, South Africa’s centralized parties strategically remove unpopular incumbents to demonstrate responsiveness to constituent views. However, party-led accountability may not improve development.

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Appendix
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Footnotes
1
Mikulska and Scarrow (2010) find that more inclusive candidate selection rules adopted in the UK in the 1990s resulted in greater convergence between citizen and candidate policy positions. However, their study does not address the question of whether party-controlled nominations respond to citizen approval.
 
2
By contrast, Packel (2008) finds that the evidence concerning whether electoral competitiveness leads to greater service provision has been mixed.
 
4
Summary statistics are presented in Tables 1 and 2 in the Appendix.
 
5
Name-matching could be a small source of measurement error in our analyses, which we have tried to minimize with manual inspection.
 
6
In cases where individual names appear more than once on nomination lists, we classify candidates according to the most prestigious nomination by our criteria, captured in the Promotion variable.
 
7
By-elections take place when an elected official dies or resigns.
 
8
Our main analysis uses the 2013 and 2015–6 survey waves, which have sample sizes of 27,490 and 30,002, respectively.
 
9
The index is created by de-meaning and standardizing the satisfaction ratings for each of the four services, then taking the equally weighted average for each municipality (as recommended by Kling, Liebman and Katz 2007). We use data from 2015 in the analyses below, but results are similar with 2013 data.
 
10
In the 2011 elections, all winning parties won more than 50% of the vote.
 
11
As we demonstrate in supplementary analyses in Appendix Fig. 9(a), even wards with 2011 win margins as large as 35% were often lost by the ANC in 2016.
 
12
These two measures are positively correlated, but not to the extent that multicollinearity is a concern (ρ = 0.3).
 
13
In Table 9 in the Appendix, we estimate the relationship between ward-level change in public service provision and renomination, excluding measures of councillor satisfaction, and find no statistically significant relationship.
 
14
While we lack councillor-specific citizen evaluations at this level, we also would not expect that citizens would be able to offer evaluations of all members of the municipal government. Rather, it is more plausible that citizens would have views about the quality of municipal-level government performance writ large. Because “service delivery” is primarily a municipal government responsibility, we use average citizen ratings of public services in the municipality.
Table 2
Determinants of councillor renomination — all municipalities (Logit)
 
Dependent variable: Renomination
 
All ruling
ANC
Non-ruling
All ruling
ANC
Non-ruling
 
(1)
(2)
(3)
(4)
(5)
(6)
Service Rating Index
0.094
0.072
0.144
0.090
0.070
0.150
 
(0.061)
(0.061)
(0.090)
(0.060)
(0.061)
(0.091)
Service Coverage Δ
   
− 0.051
− 0.044
0.069
    
(0.104)
(0.106)
(0.149)
Formal Housing Δ
   
0.210
0.071
− 0.509
    
(0.501)
(0.459)
(0.707)
Log Population Δ
1.610
1.492
− 0.538
1.552
1.466
− 0.365
 
(0.715)
(0.735)
(1.221)
(0.714)
(0.730)
(1.258)
Ethnicity - African (%)
− 0.288
− 0.219
0.762
− 0.319
− 0.246
0.782
 
(0.368)
(0.402)
(0.491)
(0.382)
(0.417)
(0.495)
Post Secondary (%)
− 9.849
− 8.807
13.720
− 10.153
− 8.995
14.188
 
(2.625)
(2.724)
(4.831)
(2.717)
(2.807)
(4.951)
Win Margin (2011)
0.104
0.028
− 0.257
0.088
0.022
− 0.195
 
(0.284)
(0.295)
(0.340)
(0.279)
(0.297)
(0.352)
Ward Councillor
− 0.171
− 0.173
0.079
− 0.171
− 0.174
0.081
 
(0.061)
(0.064)
(0.100)
(0.061)
(0.064)
(0.100)
Years Incumbent
0.030
0.032
0.077
0.030
0.032
0.077
 
(0.011)
(0.012)
(0.019)
(0.011)
(0.012)
(0.019)
Switched Party
− 0.980
− 1.180
− 0.925
− 0.981
− 1.182
− 0.925
 
(0.142)
(0.167)
(0.110)
(0.142)
(0.167)
(0.111)
N Councillors
5841
5315
2536
5841
5315
2536
N Municipalities
234
202
234
234
202
234
Province FE
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
RSE clustered at municipal level
     
*p < 0.05
 
15
We define the ruling party as the party with the largest number of councillors.
 
16
As shown in Table 11 in the Appendix, however, the relationship between service ratings and renomination is statistically significant when province fixed effects are excluded, only for ruling party councillors and ANC ruling party councillors.
 
17
In addition, when we exclude service ratings, modeling renomination as a function of our performance metrics and covariates, we still find no significant relationship and the coefficients remain stable in size. See Table 10 in the Appendix.
 
18
See Table 4 in the Appendix.
 
19
See Tables 1516, and 17 in the Appendix.
 
20
At the ward level, the Pearson correlation between Win Margin (2011) and Councillor Satisfaction is − 0.036.
 
21
For the purposes of sensitivity analysis, we re-estimate the model using OLS.
 
22
For each observed covariate, we also include the consequences of including a hypothetical confounder two and three times as “strong” as that covariate (in terms of the relationship to both satisfaction and renomination).
 
23
We use data from Afrobarometer Round 6 (Afrobarometer Data 2016).
 
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Metadata
Title
When Do Strong Parties “Throw the Bums Out”? Competition and Accountability in South African Candidate Nominations
Authors
Evan Lieberman
Philip Martin
Nina McMurry
Publication date
09-07-2021
Publisher
Springer US
Published in
Studies in Comparative International Development / Issue 3/2021
Print ISSN: 0039-3606
Electronic ISSN: 1936-6167
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-021-09338-5

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