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2017 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

9. Fat Taxes and Thin Subsidies as Obesity Policy

verfasst von : Julian M. Alston, Abigail M. Okrent

Erschienen in: The Effects of Farm and Food Policy on Obesity in the United States

Verlag: Palgrave Macmillan US

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Abstract

Many obesity policy proponents have speculated about taxing foods with high fat or high sugar content or subsidizing healthier foods, such as fresh fruit and vegetables, and governments have tried some of these possibilities. While much remains unresolved, the available evidence does not favor subsidies on fresh fruit and vegetables or taxes on sugar-sweetened beverages (SSBs) as obesity policy. Taxes on specific nutrients are generally found to be more effective in reducing calorie consumption and body weight as well as economically more efficient. However, any food tax will be regressive and could have other undesirable unintended consequences, and it is not clear that it would be politically feasible to set any such tax at a high enough rate to have a worthwhile effect on reducing obesity.

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Fußnoten
1
The goods and services tax (GST) used in Australia, and the harmonized sales tax (HST) in Canada are forms of VAT (Chriqui et al. 2013).
 
2
Indeed, the established theory and evidence on the economics of the “fixed charge” (Alchian and Allen 1964; Barzel 1976) suggests that the opposite effect is likely: imposition of a fixed per unit cost (as with a per unit tax) reduces the relative price of higher quality and tends to induce quality upgrading.
 
3
SSBs are disfavored in a number of countries, meaning that they are taxed at a higher rate than general foods and beverages. Countries that have implemented such a policy include Australia, Belgium, Canada, France, Germany, Ireland, and the United Kingdom (Jou and Techakehakij 2012). For these countries, the VAT on SSBs ranges between 19% and 30%.
 
4
Thow et al. (2011) suggested that a reason why the SSB taxes in Nauru, Samoa, and French Polynesia are still in play, while part of the Fiji tax is not, is because the public health motivation in French Polynesia garnered much more public support than the revenue motivation in Fiji.
 
5
The terms are sometimes used interchangeably. An excise tax is sometimes described as a tax imposed on the performance of an act, engaging in an occupation, or the enjoyment of a privilege.
 
6
In 2014, Rep. Rosa DeLauro proposed the Sugar-Sweetened Beverages Tax Act of 2015 (HR 1687) to the U.S. House of Representatives, proposing a tax of $0.01 per 4.2 g of caloric sweetener contained in SSBs, designating that funds from that tax go “to the prevention, treatment, and research of diet-related health conditions.”
 
7
Ogden et al. (2011) reported that US males consume an average of 178 kcal from sugar drinks on any given day, while females consume 103 kcal.
 
8
Following the repeal of the fat tax in 2013, the prices of fatty products decreased (ECSIP 2014).
 
9
Own- and cross-price elasticities of demand are unit-free measures of how quantity of a product purchased responds to a change in its price or in the prices of substitutes or complements. The own (cross)-price elasticity of demand measures the percentage change in quantity demanded of a product in response to a 1% increase in its own price (the price of another product). For example, Okrent and MacEwan (2014) reported that the own-price elasticity for regular carbonated beverages is –1.25, which means that a 1% increase in price of regular carbonated beverages would cause purchases to fall by 1.25%. Similarly, the cross-price elasticity of demand for fruit and iced tea drinks with respect to price of regular carbonated beverages is 0.19, meaning that a 1% increase in the price of regular carbonated beverages would cause demand for fruit and iced tea drinks to increase by 0.19%.
 
10
To make direct comparisons across studies, we considered the following studies: Dharmasena and Capps (2012), Dharmasena et al. (2014), Finkelstein et al. (2010), Finkelstein et al. (2013), Harding and Lovenheim (2015), Lin et al. (2011), Liu et al. (2014b), Smith et al. (2010), and Zhen et al. (2013). Other studies that consider soda taxes but make comparison with other studies more difficult include Schroeter et al. (2008) and Andreyeva, Chaloupka and Brownell (2011a). Schroeter et al. (2008) found that a 10% tax on regular beverages reduced steady-state body weight around 0.2 lb per capita and a 10% subsidy on diet beverages reduced the steady-state body weight 0.1 lb per capita. Andreyva, Chaloupka, and Brownell (2011) found that a 1 cent per ounce tax on sugar-sweetened beverages would reduce consumption between 6% and 20% for various tax schemes.
 
11
Further problems arise if the supply curves of the taxed and nontaxed goods are upward sloping such that the induced changes in demand result in further changes in prices, and a further round of adjustments in quantities.
 
12
Ranges here and throughout this paragraph reflect the difference between simulations conducted (a) assuming perfectly elastic supply and 100% incidence of the tax on consumers, and (b) using best estimates of supply elasticities, which imply less than 100% incidence on consumers given competitive market clearing.
 
13
Interestingly, Miao et al. (2012) found that taxing sweeteners as an input into the food production process would lead to a loss in consumer surplus that is one-fifth of that caused by an “equivalent” final consumption tax. This occurs because food manufacturers can substitute between high- and low-cost sweeteners, which minimizes costs passed onto consumers while still achieving the same reduction in the final consumption of added sweeteners.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Fat Taxes and Thin Subsidies as Obesity Policy
verfasst von
Julian M. Alston
Abigail M. Okrent
Copyright-Jahr
2017
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-47831-3_9