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Given Ferrera’s insistence that EU citizenship should play a more ‘integrative role’, the criteria by which we should judge whether his proposals would be successful, assuming they were ever adopted, are explicitly functional. In my contribution I seek to ground them not in a functional-empirical analysis of what is most likely to inspire support for EU citizenship but in a broader conception of social justice. The two perspectives are not in direct competition, but they do depart from very different starting points.
As the Grand Inquisitor says in Dostoevsky, F. (1991), The Brothers Karamazov. R. Pevear and L. Volokhonsky (trans.), New York: Vintage Books, 253.
This point is well made in Vandenbroucke, F. (2017), ‘Basic Income in the European Union: A Conundrum Rather Than a Solution’, SSRN Research Paper 2017/02, The Amsterdam Centre for Contemporary European Studies.
To calibrate this effect, one must also take into account that many of the CEEC countries were happy to support free movement as it served as a means of relieving excessive labor supply. See, e.g., ‘M. Kahanec, Labor Mobility in an Enlarged European Union’, in International Handbook on the Economics of Migration, A. Constant and C. Zimmerman (eds.), Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing, 2013, pp. 137-52 and references cited therein.
For this point, see also the contribution by D. Thym ‘The failure of Union Citizenship beyond the Single Market’ in Part II of this book.
See Sangiovanni, A. (2013), ‘Solidarity in the European Union’, Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 33 (2): 213-241; Sangiovanni, A. (2012), ‘Solidarity in the European Union: Problems and Prospects’, in J. Dickson & P. Eleftheriadis (eds.) Philosophical Foundations of European Union Law, 384-412. Oxford: Oxford University Press; Sangiovanni, A. (forthcoming), The Bounds of Solidarity: International Distributive Justice, Reciprocity, and the European Union. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Here of course I can only briefly sketch the model.
I say more about the tension—and how to resolve it—between facilitating freedom of movement and domestic commitments to social solidarity in Sangiovanni, A. (2013), ‘Solidarity in the European Union’, see above.
See also the useful discussion in Part II of this book by K. Oberman. ‘What to Say to Those Who Stay? Free Movement is a Human Right of Universal Value’.
Bruzelius, C., C. Reinprecht & M. Seeleib-Kaiser (2017), ‘Stratified Social Rights Limiting EU Citizenship’, Journal of Common Market Studies 55 (6): 1239–1253.
I say much more about the grounds for such reciprocity in Sangiovanni, A. (2007), ‘Global Justice, Reciprocity, and the State’, Philosophy & Public Affairs 35 (1): 2-39.
- ‘Feed them First, Then Ask Virtue of Them’: Broadening and Deepening Freedom of Movement
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