Interviews were held with 21 women (age 20–55) and 21 men (age 27–78) fish traders at ten different fish markets around the Island; Chwaka, Darajani, Malindi, Marumbi, Matemwe, Mikunguni, Mkokotoni, Mwanakwerekwe, Nungwi, and Uroa (Fig.
1). The sites were selected based on the local knowledge of scientists at the Institute of Marine Science (IMS), University of Dar es Salaam (UDSM), to cover markets of different character (i.e., men/women-dominated, high- vs. low-value fish species, and tourism influences, Table
1). The value of each species was classified according to price per kg; high value >3 US dollar (USD), medium value ≈3 USD, and low value <3 USD. Fish markets per se were not set as a unit of analysis but rather as a way to capture general differences between men and women according to the components analyzed. The targeted respondents were fish traders who regularly purchased fish at the auction and then sold it further via another auction, fish market, directly to local customers, or to hotels and restaurants. Depending on market characteristics the number of women and men interviewed at each market varied, however, summing up to a total number of 21 men and 21 women respondents (Table
1). A semi-structured interview following Kvale (
1994) and Denscombe (
2007) was applied to solicit information about: (i) markets, customers, and mobility, (ii) material and economic resources including initial capital, daily income, and assets (e.g., equipment), (iii) traded species, (iv) contacts and organizations with focus on membership in fish trading organizations, fishing committees, cooperatives, and contact with DFD/DMR, and (v) perceptions and experiences to examine life improvements, possible effects on a community level, equality and capacity to cope with fluctuating markets (Electronic Supplementary Material, Appendix
S1). These components were developed and chosen based on the literature (e.g., Lwenya and Abila
2001; Medard et al.
2002; Weeratunge et al.
2010) and our own experiences working with coastal livelihoods in East Africa. The components provide a comprehensive picture of fish trade and help analyze the way in which fish trade and commodity flows are interwoven in wider social, cultural, economic, and environmental structures and processes. The interviewer introduced the theme and the respondents were able to speak freely on each topic. The semi-structured interview was chosen since it is one of the most powerful methods, allowing flexibility to probe for answers, follow-up the original questions and pursue new lines of questions (e.g., Kvale
1994; Denscombe
2007). Respondents were selected in consultation with the
Bwana Diko at each fish market and according to availability and willingness to participate in the study. As there is no information on the total number of traders in Zanzibar the representativeness of the sample is difficult to assess. The interviews lasted from 40 min to 1 h and took place at the fish market or close to the respondent’s house. All interviews were performed by the same researcher and trained assistant from IMS, the latter with Swahili as mother tongue, and all interviews were recorded for further analysis. About 6 to 10 days were spent at each fish market, which helped to establish a better understanding about the activity through observations and conversations with other fish traders,
Bwana Dikos and local people.
Table 1
Market characteristics including men/women dominated, fish value (high, medium, low), relative closeness to hotels/restaurants and the number of men and women interviewed at each market
Chwaka | M | Mixed | Medium | 2 | 1 |
Darajani | M | Mixed | High | 2 | 1 |
Malindi | M | Mixed | High | 2 | 2 |
Marumbi | W | Low to medium | Medium | 1 | 2 |
Matemwe | M | Mixed | High | 3 | 0 |
Mikunguni | W | Low to medium | Absent | 0 | 4 |
Mkokotoni | M | Mixed | Absent | 2 | 2 |
Mwanakwerekwe | W | Low to medium | Absent | 1 | 4 |
Nungwi | M | Mixed | High | 6 | 2 |
Uroa | M | Mixed | High | 2 | 3 |